Tuesday, 28 August 2018

Where To Zim - Challenges Facing E.D and Zim Government


Where to Zimbabwe? Challenges Facing E.D
By Dumisani O. Nkomo
The elections have come and gone so has the Constitutional Court process of dealing with the disputed election outcome. What is imperative now is how the nation moves forward. The key players in this unfolding drama need to clearly map a way forward and avoid being stuck in a moment of history or a moment of madness. To this end, a number of challenges await the President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
Challenges Mnangagwa Faces
Legitimacy
The elections were an important legitimation process for the military establishment which ousted Robert Mugabe in the November 2017 coup de tat. Without winning the support of the people through the most recognizable test of democracy which is an election, the Mnangagwa regime suffered a critical legitimacy crisis. The election was thus a critical political ritual to baptise the regime into democratic sainthood. The results were contested by Nelson Chamisa and the M.D.C Alliance but he failed to win the case in the Constitutional Court.  Even though Mnangagwa ultimately emerged unscathed in the Concourt and was declared the winner; he mainly attained legal legitimacy but continues to suffer from a deficit of political and moral legitimacy. The electoral process and the Concourt process managed to cleanse the regime but fell short in terms of broader public perception and confidence. The majority of urbanites for example who voted for Chamisa still feel the elections were stolen and thus eroding the moral and political legitimacy of Mnangagwa. The best remedy to deal with this would have been an inclusive government. However, in the face of an ostensive ZANU P.F with the majority in parliament and the destructive winner take all mentality in the ruling party and the radical stance of Chamisa, this appears unlikely. Mnangagwa thus has the unenviable task of governing a country where the majority of people who contribute to the fiscus through taxes, various levies, rates and economic activities are from urban areas and did not vote for him. The erosion of Mnangagwa’s political and moral legitimacy is not just philosophical but may translate into a lack of confidence into economic governance processes further translating into lack of confidence in official processes and institutions. This may result in short term thinking and short termism in financial practises which may affect sectors such as the banking sector which may suffer from depositors burn out. This can culminate in a decrease in savings, investment and deposits with potential catastrophic impact on the economy. Remittances from the Diaspora may also be eroded by lack of trust in the government and its economic processes.
Credibility of Democratic Institutions
Secondly, Mnangagwa has to deal with a public with decreased confidence in independent institutions which undergird or support and entrench democracy. The credibility of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission for example alongside other Chapter 12 institutions will be severely affected as a result of the contested election. Whether or not there was sufficient evidence to prove that there was rigging or no rigging; there is prevailing and prevalent public opinion that public institutions such as Z.E.C cannot be trusted. There will also be increasing mistrust in the independence of the judiciary. Whilst the judgement of the Constitutional Court must be respected and upheld, its ruling will undoubtedly raise question marks on the independence of the judiciary. This erosion of confidence is largely as a result of speculative reality rather than substantive reality as people will then perceive the courts as not being independent and credible. Whether this is right or justified or not is another question altogether. There will be a domino effect on other independent institutions including Chapter 12 institutions such as the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission, the Zimbabwe Media Commission and importantly the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission. Public confidence in these institutions as instruments of democratization will be severely tested in the next five to ten years.

Confidence
The bigger challenge that the government faces is that of instilling public confidence in itself and government processes. The fact that Mnangagwa suffered rejection even from his own party epitomized by ruling party parliamentary candidates scoring higher votes than himself portrays a deeper crisis of confidence which may manifest itself in parliament and in policy making processes. It is within speculative reality to opine or conclude that there may be a substantial number of Members of Parliament who may either be loyal to Mugabe or other powerful individuals other than Mnangagwa himself. This may lead to multiple centres of power within government thus affecting policy implementation and inevitably service delivery, political and economic stability. This chasm has also been evident in the security forces where it has become obvious that sectors such as the police and intelligence apparatus are not fully loyal to the incumbent.  The cocktail of all these issues severely erodes internal and external confidence in Mnangagwa and his team. The composition of his cabinet is the first test of his commitment to change and the economic development agenda.
Its game on for Mnangagwa but he faces a multiplicity of challenges which will test his resolve. The Zimbabwe is open for business thrust of the government faces immense challenges in the wake of a crisis of internal and external confidence.
Dumisani O. Nkomo writes in his personal capacity.

Wednesday, 8 August 2018

Lessons From the 2018 Elections


Lessons from The Elections
By Dumisani O. Nkomo
The results of the 2018 Harmonized elections provide an insight into voting trends and patterns which are useful for understanding Voter Psychology and the factors that influence how and who the electorate vote for. There are useful lessons for the contestants as well as other players such as the electoral management body [Z.E.C], observers, civil society and the general public. The two key lessons gleaned from this election are that the Zimbabwean electorate is binary in its choice of candidates and there is a clear dichotomy between the urban electorate and the rural electorate.
Bi Focal and Binary Voting
The leader of the People’s Rainbow Coalition Dr Joice Mujury correctly noted that Zimbabwe is a two party state where voters vote in a binary manner. Although there were over 120 political parties that contested in the elections it was just two parties that garnered the majority of votes where the National Patriotic Front was the only other Party able to grab a seat. This is a clear indication that Zimbabwe is not ready for small parties and independent parties. This is regardless of the quality and calibre of candidates from alternative parties. Individual popularity of candidates did not translate into. This indicates that when Zimbabweans vote, what is important to them is the bigger and broader institution which they either have a sense of belonging to or be able to bring to account. This explains why the likes of  Evan Mawarire who at the height of the 2016 shutdown attracted the attention of thousands of Zimbabweans failed to win in a local government election losing to the equally able Jacob Mafume. The list is endless with firebrands such as Fadzai Mahere, Jesse Majome also not making it in spite of incredible social media presence and digital footprint. This of course also informs another important observation that social media presence does not necessarily translate into votes. Importantly this means that the Zimbabwean voter whilst recognizing the importance of the individual contribution of activists are still prone to vote for big parties with the ability to “conquer or retain power “.
In the mind of the urban voter especially, a candidate or party must either be able to conquer or retain power and outside of that smaller fringe parties stood and stand very little chance. In essence therefore it can be concluded that Zimbabwean voters have a bifocal voting lens which chooses to select any of the big two parties. This is also evidenced in the presidential elections where of the 23 candidates only Chamisa and Mnangagwa accounted for almost 95 % of the vote with the other 21 candidates sharing less than 5 % of the presidential vote. Even in the U.K, there are two main parties which are dominant namely the Conservatives and the Labour Party with the Liberal Democrats emerging in the last decade. In America it is largely a contest between the Republicans and the Democrats. It must be noted however that in both these two countries there is robust internal democracy which allows for competition within the parties. It will take a political evolution of ten to fifteen years for the Zimbabwean voter to become multi focal in their electoral choices. However, the bifocal and binary voting trends and patterns may continue well into the future with people then by virtue of political osmosis gravitating towards bigger political formations such as the M.D.C Alliance or ZANU P.F. This means the two parties have to be ready for an influx of new cadres trying to find credence and relevance within bigger formations as opposed to affiliation to smaller parties who may due to the obtaining bi focal political culture be unable to attract new cadres. The current first past the post system favours bigger parties and a system of full proportional representation would have been conducive for smaller interest based and regional parties.
The Rural – Urban Dichotomy
The results also clearly demonstrate that there is a dichotomy between the rural and urban electorate. ZANU P.F and Emmerson Mnangwagwa clearly dominated the rural areas whilst Nelson Chamisa dominated urban areas. This means there is need to understand the psyche and political electoral behaviour of the rural populace if for example Nelson Chamisa and the M.D.C Alliance is to stand any chance in the next elections. The rural voter is most probably concerned about livelihoods issues, issues of access to water, irrigation, food, cattle and so forth. This is accentuated by the fact that whilst basic geography dictates that in development patterns there is movement of people from rural areas to urban areas in Zimbabwe this has not been the case due to economic stagnation.
There must be a significant investment by the opposition in the future at understanding the rural voter and being relevant to the rural voter.
Dumisani O. Nkomo