Dumisani O Nkomo: Bulawayo - Rethinking and Re positioning The City ...

Dumisani O Nkomo: Bulawayo - Rethinking and Re positioning The City ...: Bulawayo at 125 – Repositioning Bulawayo For the Future By Dumisani O. Nkomo This week Bulawayo will celebrate its 125 th annivesary a...

Dumisani O Nkomo: Bulawayo - Rethinking and Re positioning The City ...

Dumisani O Nkomo: Bulawayo - Rethinking and Re positioning The City ...: Bulawayo at 125 – Repositioning Bulawayo For the Future By Dumisani O. Nkomo This week Bulawayo will celebrate its 125 th annivesary a...

Bulawayo - Rethinking and Re positioning The City of Kings

Bulawayo at 125 – Repositioning Bulawayo For the Future

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

This week Bulawayo will celebrate its 125^thannivesary amidst pleas and cries for the city to be restored to its former  glory days as the industrial hub of the country in the sixties and seventies. I would like to argue as I have consistently done so, that the Bulawayo of the sixties and seventies cannot be recreated. Rather, we need to rebuild and rethink the economic and development trajectory of the City within the ambit of a twenty five year turnaround plan. The heavy industries developed in the 60”s and 70’s cannot to all intents and purposes, be revived in the manner in which they were over 40 to fifty years ago. The dictates of global competitiveness, the shrinking of traditional drivers of industrial growth and rapid technological advances require that the city repositions itself outside of and beyond the old economic foundations of the City. A 25 year plan is required to reposition the city and place it on a rapid path of growth and sustainable development. 25 years is the period within which an entire generation reaches maturity and I would like to suggest that as of 2020 Bulawayo develops a 25 year plan that will turn around the city and make it one of the most competitive cities  in sub Saharan Africa if not Africa.

Competitive Advantages

The city must leverage on its competitive advantages and not attempt to compete in areas of weakness. It must be noted that was a strength probably 25 to thirty years ago may not be a strength in 2025 or 2045. There must therefore be a heavy investment in research and scientific projection to facilitate the City’s growth trajectory based on current and potential social and economic strengths. Significantly, whilst the city was the hub of meat processing and the beef  industry thirty five  to fifty years ago, this standing has been eroded by the following:

1.The effects of drought due to climate change and the region’s poisoning in natural region four and five which has resulted in gradual, systematic decimation of the livestock population and in particular cattle .

2.Decimation of pastures and water bodies

3.Diseases

4. The effects of the government’s chaotic land reform programme which resulted in uncontrolled movement of cattle to other regions. Currently Bulawayo’s feeder provinces Matabeleland South and North have lost their competitiveness as leading ranching provinces.

5. The national herd has been reduced from around 6 million in 1996 to around 5,3 million.

All these factors therefore mean Bulawayo and its surrounding provinces of Matabeleland North and South have to reposition themselves economically. This can be through either rebuilding the cattle industry [a process which could take five to 10 years at least assuming that all required support systems, resources including capital, appropriate technology and natural conditions are in place ] or focussing on entirely new productive sectors .

Current Strengths and Comparative Advantages

1.       Bulawayo is strategically positioned in southern Africa as a gateway to South Africa, Botswana, Zambia and to a lesser extent Namibia.

2.       Bulawayo is strategically positioned as the largest city nearest to the busiest road border post in Southern Africa, Beitbridge Border Post.

3.       The city has enormous current and potential advantages in tourism with its proximity to one of the world’s wonders the majestic Victoria Falls.

4. To the south is Rhodes Matopos Game Park which has been designated as a  UNESCO world heritage site.

5. The Natural history museum is the best of its kind in southern Africa and one of the largest four such museums in Africa.

The city thus has tremendous potential in being cardinal and central to a thriving tourism industry.

6. The city’s old Victorian type buildings and wide streets which have been viewed as backward and antiquated present a huge opportunity in remodelling the city as a city of aesthetic greatness epitomized by Victorian architecture. The city cannot or may not compete with Johannesburg, Nairobi or other large cities with impressive sky scrapers but the city can distinguish itself tourism wise, artistically and culturally through these old buildings which can also be used as a springboard for building the film industry serving as allocation for local and international productions

7. The artistic and cultural heritage, reservoir of talent position Bulawayo as a creative industry hub for Zimbabwe and indeed the southern African region.

8. The old heavy industries with huge factories cannot be revived as the equipment is antiquated and competition from the east has made such a preposition almost preposterous. However these old factories can be used as storehouses, film locations, indoor fisheries etc. The city’s strategic geographical position in southern Africa make it ideal as a warehousing zone for goods which are en route to Botswana, South Africa and possibly Zambia.

9. The geographical positioning of the city is ideal in a broader regional road, rail network as well as aviation nerve centre.

10. The city may also need to explore its potential as an Information Communication and technology hub . A good friend of mine Nkosilathi Mazibisa argues that this could be a game  changer for the city in years to come .

Clearly if some if not all   these competitive advantages are  identified as the basis of a thriving local economy Bulawayo can be great again but not on the basis of nostalgic cravings for industries of the past but rather building  potential drivers of the economy in new sectors of growth and development .

Importantly the presence of the National University of Science and Technology in the city is key. The university is a key player in informing growth in new sectors in the economy based on scientific innovations and advances in technology. Techno Park [a NUST vehicle] is key in this respect. The film Industry is not a welfare sector but a potential money spinner and with the right enabling policies, deregulation, budgetary support from a devolved provincial and local government can be a major game changer. The abundant acting and production talent and potential of the city, the Victorian film locations are an appetizing prospect. Imagine the whole of railway avenue and Raylton which has become a ghost town can be a thriving film location for Victorian films. The climate, location and competitive labour costs are major incentive for the production of international films even though the country’s film infrastructure is poor. Film can be a major “export in fifteen to twenty years’ time given proper envisioning, planning, management, enabling policies and support systems such as bilateral agreements for equipment and technical support with bigger film producing countries such as South Africa .Availability of capital for film makers and incentives for international film companies to produce films in Zimbabwe are key. Bulawayo can become part of an incredible film value chain and geo virtual corridor with economic impact of gigantic proportions

Creative Industries

The  entire swathe of creative industries from dance , visual art to film have huge potential to drive growth in Bulawayo. In countries such as the United States the film industry contributes significantly to the G.D.P rating closely to other sectors such as aviation. India’s Bollywood and Nigeria’s Nollywood have taken the world by storm generating millions of dollars and employing thousands of people through downstream and upstream industries. Bulawayo is positioned to be the film capital of Zimbabwe and within 25 years a major film location for local and international film production.

Agro – Industries

If and when the Zambezi Water Project is impended it will drive major economic development in the greenbelt that lies along the t corridor of agro industrial activities which may include sugar production and other high value crops. Towns such as Lupane will grow exponentially and Bulawayo will benefit not only from the availability of water but from downstream and upstream economic activities.

Goat Production

There is huge demand for goat meat internationally especially in countries such as Saudi Arabia, Angola and Uganda. Possibly there could be a drive to ensure the arid and drought prone provinces of Matabeleland South and North refocus their attention to this increasingly growing sector. Abattoirs could be in places such as Maphisa, Plumtree, Gwanda and Inyathi whilst Bulawayo could be a processing centre and gate away for exports of goat meat and goat products. More research is needed in exploring the economic potential of this sector but definitely there is a shift to goat production and at efforts were made in the initial next five years to ensure that smallholder farmers increase the sizes of their herds from the current 15 to 20 to at least a hundred per household this could drive the industry driving it to be a major player in this rapidly growing sector.

The city of kings has the potential and capacity to be one of the fastest growing cities in sub Saharan Africa and indeed in Africa by 2045. This is five election cycles away and verily verily Zimbabwe itself will have new political leadership and a new breed of global citizen who will not be content with the pace of development and technological advancement and competitiveness of the current Bulawayo. Let us project into the future and reimagine a new Bulawayo. “Where there is no vision people perish “. The twenty-five year turn-around plan can be broken down into implementable, gradualistic five year plans and those five year plans into annual economic development plans.

Bulawayo must not allow current debilitating economic conditions and prohibitive political environment to limit our collective capacity to project and plan for future generations beyond the next election.Bulawayo can become a competitive metropolis in 25 years time with careful envisioning , planning and execution .

Dumisani O Nkomo

Nkomo is the Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust

He writes here in his personal capacity

He can be contacted on:

dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

Whatsapp: 0779617926

or follow him on facebook: Dumisani O. Nyongolo Nkomo

or Blogspot: www. Dumidanionkomo.blogspot .com

Dumisani O Nkomo: Dabengwa An international Hero

Dumisani O Nkomo: Dabengwa An international Hero: Dabengwa Not Just A Zimbabwean Hero By Dumisani O Nkomo In the tradition of great revolutionaries such Che Guevera Dumiso Dabengwa’s h...

Dabengwa An international Hero

Dabengwa Not Just A Zimbabwean Hero

By Dumisani O Nkomo

In the tradition of great revolutionaries such Che Guevera Dumiso Dabengwa’s heroism cannot be limited to his exploits in Zimbabwe during the war of liberation. It must be placed on record that Dumiso Dabengwa not only contributed to the liberation of Zimbabwe but in an incalculable way and magnitude to the liberation of South Africa . He was trained in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1963, operated in Botswana carrying out covert missions and regularly moved across countries such as Zambia and Tanzania . Operations of the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army [ZIPRA] stretched to training and camps in Cuba. Libya , Yugoslavia , Egypt , Algeria and Angola . Dabengwa was the head of ZIPRA’s intelligence arm the National Security Organization which had networks in various countries.

Importantly Dabengwa must not be celebrated in Matabeleland alone or Zimbabwe alone because he was a key figure in the Wankie Campaign carried out jointly by ZAPU and South Africa’s Umkhonto we Sizwe . Dabengwa brushed shoulders with the likes of Joe Modise and Chris Hani of the A.N.C as ZAPU and the A.N.C executed the Battle of Wankie . Umkhonto We Sizwe and ZAPU guerrillas fought side by side as comrades and Dabengwa coordinated deployment and intelligence of both Umkhonto and Zipra guerrillas . Dabengwa the pan African hero also played a key part in the 1968 Sipholilo campaign led by Moffat Hadebe where Zapu and Umkhonto carried out joint operations.

As testimony to this one former ZIPRA guerrilla Marshall Mpofu a former Colonel in the army testified that when  he joined in the armed struggle in 1973 he together with six other ZAPU and ANC cadres were recruited by Dumiso Dabengwa in Bostwana . The link between ZAPU and Unkhonto continued beyond independence .With the active support of ZAPU and the likes of Dabengwa large quantities of weapons destined for the armed struggle in South Africa  and Umkhonto we Sizwe were kept at farms owned by ZAPU just after independence . This was verified by Dr Dabengwa in public lectures in South Africa and former N.S.O intelligence operative Jeremy Brick hill at a Lookout Masuku Memorial lecture . The weapons which Lookout Masuku and Dumiso Dabengwa were arrested for were actually Umkhonto weSizwe weapons . For this Dabengwa and Masuku were charged with treason for attempting to subvert and overthrow the Zimbabwean government [ does this not sound familiar ]. After being acquitted by the courts Dabengwa was continuously jailed for over six more years unconstitutionally and illegally by the ZANU P.F government.  For this it must be clear to all and sundry that Dabengwa was a hero not just for Zimbabwe but also for South Africa. Not only did he fight side by side with M.K guerrillas, but he helped to deploy, provide intelligence and later on provided a conduit for Umkhonto we Sizwe guerrillas in South Africa .

This history has been supressed by ZANUcentriic historians and academics. It must be remembered that at the time ZANU ‘s ally was the Robert Sobukwe founded Pan Africanist Congress and not the A.N.C .This is why Dabengwa was widely respected by former M.K guerrillas at a very level .Sadly the average South African and indeed Zimbabwean does not know that Zimbabwean blood was spilt for South Africa and South African blood for Zimbabwe . It is largely unknown that Dabengwa lost many years of freedom after independence at the hands of a black government because he and ZAPU had dared to help liberate South Africa by ensuring that Umkhonto we Sizwe continuously had supplies of weapons .

Dr Dumiso Dabengwa who died today aged [79] was indeed a great and illustrious son of the soil. His involvement with the struggle for independence dates back to the days when he was part of the youth wing of the National Democratic Party which was headed by Joshua Nkomo in the late fifties. He continued being an active youth after N.D.P was formed and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union was formed. As part of the youth wing he was part of militant youths who engaged in many protests and demonstrations against white minority rule.

He was one of the first cadres of ZAPU to be sent for military training in the Soviet Union. The presence of leading A.N.C cadres at the Launch of the Dumiso Dabengwa Foundation in 2018 is testimony of the impact that Dumiso Dabengwa had not only had impact on the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe but also the liberation of South Africa.

Dabengwa had risen through the ranks to become a key cog in the intelligence unit of ZAPU.  He became the secretary of ZAPU‘s War Council headed by Jason Ziyaphapha Moyo which was responsible for prosecuting the armed struggle. He was also the secretary of the War Council which was headed by party president Joshua Nkomo and included Nikita Mangena, Samuel Munodawafa (the party chairman) amongst others.

Importantly Dabengwa was part of the Patriotic Front delegation to the Geneva talks in 1976 and the Lancaster House talks in 1979. He thus had an illustrious history not only as a soldier and intelligence supremo but also a political stalwart with diplomatic acumen and shrewd strategic planning. This is the reason why Nkomo and the ZAPU leadership included him in key talks which involved liberation movements, the Rhodesian governments and foreign governments.

It is believed he had a strong rapport with ZANLA supremo Josiah Tongogara at this time. Tongogara was killed tragically in mysterious circumstances in the build up to the independence.

In 1980, Dabengwa played a key part in ensuring guerrillas returned to assembly points and subsequently in the integration of ZIPRA and ZANLA forces into the Zimbabwe National Army together with former Rhodesian forces. The team that led the integration included General Peter Walls former commander of Rhodesian army, Lookout Masuku and Rex Nhongo (Solomon Mujuru). This was Dabengwa the soldier and statesman at work now using years of training in the Soviet Union, military experience and intelligence acumen as head of the National Security organization which was he wartime ZAPU intelligence wing.

He displayed these attributes again when fighting broke out between ZIPRA and ZANLA guerrillas domiciled in Entumbane and parts of Harare. He and Masuku in the company of Nkomo appealed to ZIPRA forces to put down their arms and cease fighting. This was in realization that there would be far more civilian casualties than military casualties as the fighting was taking place in the townships. This was once again vintage Dabengwa as a statesman, peacemaker and politician par excellence. Were it not for these actions possibly millions of civilians would have been killed in the fighting which was focussed on Bulawayo and other areas.

It is said that Dabengwa had been offered the post of Major General but he was reluctant to take this up and left his uniform in a huff as he was the most senior soldier at independence having led the likes of Rex Nhongo and others who were now touted as his superiors. He then retired from active service after stopping two armed conflicts and united two warring armies.

charged with treason but subsequently the courts acquitted them. The government of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe continued to detain them and the two remained in jail with Masuku being released in 1986 only to die shortly afterwards. The government of Robert Mugabe refused to allow Dumiso Dabengwa to attend the funeral of his comrade and colleague.

During this time the ZANU government brutally butchered over 25 000 people, tortured and beat thousands more and displaced hundreds of thousands of people during the Gukurahundi Genocide. ZAPU and Nkomo were keen to stop the killing and acceded to talks with ZANU. Dumiso Dabengwa together with Sydney Malunga and Nkomo’s young brother Steven were vehemently opposed to the talks. Nkomo appealed to Dabengwa saying “what do you want us to do about the thousands of people that are being butchered by ZANU, do you have an alternative…, go and think about it”

A day afterwards Dabengwa returned to Nkomo and gave the nod for the negotiations to be concluded in order to stop the butchering of civilians.

Dabengwa after initially rejected repeated offers first served as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs and then Minister of Home Affairs. He then quit ZANU P.F to revive ZAPU.

In his last years Dabengwa was keen for the Zambezi Water Project to be included in order for hundreds of thousands of people in Matabeleland to benefit from downstream and upstream economic activities. During the tenure of the Unity government Dabengwa summoned this writer to his offices at the Zambezi Water Project Trust and Said “Dumisani “my dream is about to come true. Minister Siphepha tells me they have secured funding for the project. For me, it is not important what it is called or who gets the glory as long as our people benefit. Sadly, the project is still at its infancy since government reneged on its promises and diverted funds to other projects and the so called deal with the Chinese amounted to nothing. Dabengwa had set up the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Trustto spearhead the project. He had developed a model for the project to be funded through a joint venture initiative. He proposed that the government give the trust concessions to mine methane gas in Lupane. The government flatly refused. It was Dabengwa’s wish to see the project through. He also desired to see the country’s history to be re written in order to reflect the contributions of ZIPRA and ZAPU. In order to perpetuate his legacy, he pro-actively set up the Dumiso Dabengwa Foundation.

His contributions to the people of Zimbabwe were indeed immense but it would be a travesty of justice for him to be remembered as a Zimbabwean hero only  because he was more than that . He fought alongside comrades from South Africa’s Umkhonto weSizwe and contributed to the independence of South Africa . Today millions of Dabengwas countrymen are treated like scavengers in countries were Dabengwa played a key role in the liberation of those countries He must be honoured not just in Zimbabwe but also in South Africa as well . Many who enjoy independence in both countries owe it to the likes of Dumiso Dabengwa together with John Dube the commander of the Wankie Campaign , Joe Modise and Chris Hani .

Amandla !

Dumisani Nkomo is the CEO of Habakkuk Trust

Dabengwa The African Hero

Dabengwa Not Just A Zimbabwean Hero

By Dumisani O Nkomo

In the tradition of great revolutionaries such Che Guevera Dumiso Dabengwa’s heroism cannot be limited to his exploits in Zimbabwe during the war of liberation. It must be placed on record that Dumiso Dabengwa not only contributed to the liberation of Zimbabwe but in an incalculable way and magnitude to the liberation of South Africa . He was trained in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1963, operated in Botswana carrying out covert missions and regularly moved across countries such as Zambia and Tanzania . Operations of the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army [ZIPRA] stretched to training and camps in Cuba. Libya , Yugoslavia , Egypt , Algeria and Angola . Dabengwa was the head of ZIPRA’s intelligence arm the National Security Organization which had networks in various countries.

Importantly Dabengwa must not be celebrated in Matabeleland alone or Zimbabwe alone because he was a key figure in the Wankie Campaign carried out jointly by ZAPU and South Africa’s Umkhonto we Sizwe . Dabengwa brushed shoulders with the likes of Joe Modise and Chris Hani of the A.N.C as ZAPU and the A.N.C executed the Battle of Wankie . Umkhonto We Sizwe and ZAPU guerrillas fought side by side as comrades and Dabengwa coordinated deployment and intelligence of both Umkhonto and Zipra guerrillas . Dabengwa the pan African hero also played a key part in the 1968 Sipholilo campaign led by Moffat Hadebe where Zapu and Umkhonto carried out joint operations.

As testimony to this one former ZIPRA guerrilla Marshall Mpofu a former Colonel in the army testified that when  he joined in the armed struggle in 1973 he together with six other ZAPU and ANC cadres were recruited by Dumiso Dabengwa in Bostwana . The link between ZAPU and Unkhonto continued beyond independence .With the active support of ZAPU and the likes of Dabengwa large quantities of weapons destined for the armed struggle in South Africa  and Umkhonto we Sizwe were kept at farms owned by ZAPU just after independence . This was verified by Dr Dabengwa in public lectures in South Africa and former N.S.O intelligence operative Jeremy Brick hill at a Lookout Masuku Memorial lecture . The weapons which Lookout Masuku and Dumiso Dabengwa were arrested for were actually Umkhonto weSizwe weapons . For this Dabengwa and Masuku were charged with treason for attempting to subvert and overthrow the Zimbabwean government [ does this not sound familiar ]. After being acquitted by the courts Dabengwa was continuously jailed for over six more years unconstitutionally and illegally by the ZANU P.F government.  For this it must be clear to all and sundry that Dabengwa was a hero not just for Zimbabwe but also for South Africa. Not only did he fight side by side with M.K guerrillas, but he helped to deploy, provide intelligence and later on provided a conduit for Umkhonto we Sizwe guerrillas in South Africa .

This history has been supressed by ZANUcentriic historians and academics. It must be remembered that at the time ZANU ‘s ally was the Robert Sobukwe founded Pan Africanist Congress and not the A.N.C .This is why Dabengwa was widely respected by former M.K guerrillas at a very level .Sadly the average South African and indeed Zimbabwean does not know that Zimbabwean blood was spilt for South Africa and South African blood for Zimbabwe . It is largely unknown that Dabengwa lost many years of freedom after independence at the hands of a black government because he and ZAPU had dared to help liberate South Africa by ensuring that Umkhonto we Sizwe continuously had supplies of weapons .

Dr Dumiso Dabengwa who died today aged [79] was indeed a great and illustrious son of the soil. His involvement with the struggle for independence dates back to the days when he was part of the youth wing of the National Democratic Party which was headed by Joshua Nkomo in the late fifties. He continued being an active youth after N.D.P was formed and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union was formed. As part of the youth wing he was part of militant youths who engaged in many protests and demonstrations against white minority rule.

He was one of the first cadres of ZAPU to be sent for military training in the Soviet Union. The presence of leading A.N.C cadres at the Launch of the Dumiso Dabengwa Foundation in 2018 is testimony of the impact that Dumiso Dabengwa had not only had impact on the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe but also the liberation of South Africa.

Dabengwa had risen through the ranks to become a key cog in the intelligence unit of ZAPU.  He became the secretary of ZAPU‘s War Council headed by Jason Ziyaphapha Moyo which was responsible for prosecuting the armed struggle. He was also the secretary of the War Council which was headed by party president Joshua Nkomo and included Nikita Mangena, Samuel Munodawafa (the party chairman) amongst others.

Importantly Dabengwa was part of the Patriotic Front delegation to the Geneva talks in 1976 and the Lancaster House talks in 1979. He thus had an illustrious history not only as a soldier and intelligence supremo but also a political stalwart with diplomatic acumen and shrewd strategic planning. This is the reason why Nkomo and the ZAPU leadership included him in key talks which involved liberation movements, the Rhodesian governments and foreign governments.

It is believed he had a strong rapport with ZANLA supremo Josiah Tongogara at this time. Tongogara was killed tragically in mysterious circumstances in the build up to the independence.

In 1980, Dabengwa played a key part in ensuring guerrillas returned to assembly points and subsequently in the integration of ZIPRA and ZANLA forces into the Zimbabwe National Army together with former Rhodesian forces. The team that led the integration included General Peter Walls former commander of Rhodesian army, Lookout Masuku and Rex Nhongo (Solomon Mujuru). This was Dabengwa the soldier and statesman at work now using years of training in the Soviet Union, military experience and intelligence acumen as head of the National Security organization which was he wartime ZAPU intelligence wing.

He displayed these attributes again when fighting broke out between ZIPRA and ZANLA guerrillas domiciled in Entumbane and parts of Harare. He and Masuku in the company of Nkomo appealed to ZIPRA forces to put down their arms and cease fighting. This was in realization that there would be far more civilian casualties than military casualties as the fighting was taking place in the townships. This was once again vintage Dabengwa as a statesman, peacemaker and politician par excellence. Were it not for these actions possibly millions of civilians would have been killed in the fighting which was focussed on Bulawayo and other areas.

It is said that Dabengwa had been offered the post of Major General but he was reluctant to take this up and left his uniform in a huff as he was the most senior soldier at independence having led the likes of Rex Nhongo and others who were now touted as his superiors. He then retired from active service after stopping two armed conflicts and united two warring armies.

charged with treason but subsequently the courts acquitted them. The government of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe continued to detain them and the two remained in jail with Masuku being released in 1986 only to die shortly afterwards. The government of Robert Mugabe refused to allow Dumiso Dabengwa to attend the funeral of his comrade and colleague.

During this time the ZANU government brutally butchered over 25 000 people, tortured and beat thousands more and displaced hundreds of thousands of people during the Gukurahundi Genocide. ZAPU and Nkomo were keen to stop the killing and acceded to talks with ZANU. Dumiso Dabengwa together with Sydney Malunga and Nkomo’s young brother Steven were vehemently opposed to the talks. Nkomo appealed to Dabengwa saying “what do you want us to do about the thousands of people that are being butchered by ZANU, do you have an alternative…, go and think about it”

A day afterwards Dabengwa returned to Nkomo and gave the nod for the negotiations to be concluded in order to stop the butchering of civilians.

Dabengwa after initially rejected repeated offers first served as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs and then Minister of Home Affairs. He then quit ZANU P.F to revive ZAPU.

In his last years Dabengwa was keen for the Zambezi Water Project to be included in order for hundreds of thousands of people in Matabeleland to benefit from downstream and upstream economic activities. During the tenure of the Unity government Dabengwa summoned this writer to his offices at the Zambezi Water Project Trust and Said “Dumisani “my dream is about to come true. Minister Siphepha tells me they have secured funding for the project. For me, it is not important what it is called or who gets the glory as long as our people benefit. Sadly, the project is still at its infancy since government reneged on its promises and diverted funds to other projects and the so called deal with the Chinese amounted to nothing. Dabengwa had set up the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Trustto spearhead the project. He had developed a model for the project to be funded through a joint venture initiative. He proposed that the government give the trust concessions to mine methane gas in Lupane. The government flatly refused. It was Dabengwa’s wish to see the project through. He also desired to see the country’s history to be re written in order to reflect the contributions of ZIPRA and ZAPU. In order to perpetuate his legacy, he pro-actively set up the Dumiso Dabengwa Foundation.

His contributions to the people of Zimbabwe were indeed immense but it would be a travesty of justice for him to be remembered as a Zimbabwean hero only  because he was more than that . He fought alongside comrades from South Africa’s Umkhonto weSizwe and contributed to the independence of South Africa . Today millions of Dabengwas countrymen are treated like scavengers in countries were Dabengwa played a key role in the liberation of those countries He must be honoured not just in Zimbabwe but also in South Africa as well . Many who enjoy independence in both countries owe it to the likes of Dumiso Dabengwa together with John Dube the commander of the Wankie Campaign , Joe Modise and Chris Hani .

Amandla !

Dumisani Nkomo is the CEO of Habakkuk Trust

How Dabengwa Can Be Honoured Practically

Practical Ways In Which  Dumiso Dabengwa Must Be Honoured

By Dumisani O Nkomo

Much has been said about the life and incredible heroism of former ZAPU intelligence supremo Dr Dumiso Dabengwa who died last week. Indeed, his heroic acts dating back to his days as a militant youth with the National Democratic Party to the battle of Wankie with the Luthuli Detachment. The key now is, how he will be honoured going forward and I would like to suggest several practical ways in which he can be honoured and this revolves around issues which where dear to him.

1.Return of ZIPRA / ZAPU Properties

In order to pro-actively enable ex combatants to be reintegrated into society without being a burden ZAPU / ZPRA mooted the idea of individual combatants contributing $50 each from their demobilization money. This money was used to procure numerous properties including farms, buildings and resorts such as Castel Arms. A company called NITRAM was created to be the business vehicle for the ex-combatants in what was extremely visionary planning. Properties such as Magnet House, were some of the buildings which were procured as it was recognized that the real estate portfolio was key in unlocking financial returns in the long term. The building is now occupied by the Central Intelligence Organization. Significantly when the government discovered arms caches in ZAPU farms such as Ascot Farm: all NITRAM properties were confiscated. These weapons had apparently mainly been earmarked for the A.N.C’s armed wing Umkhonto We Sizwe. This was the first case of violation of property rights in post independent Zimbabwe as all the properties were ruthlessly seized. In order to honour Dabengwa, these properties must be returned to their rightful owners the ZPRA vets. This is a non-negotiable issue which must be addressed urgently and later day. There must be a roadmap detailing when and how these properties will be returned. Although a lot of these properties are run down, they will go a long way in ensuring that genuine ex-combatants were entitled to benefit as well as their families.

2.Implementation of Zambezi Water Trust

This project was in Dabengwa’s heart until his very last days. His vision was developmental in these last five to ten years and he yearned for this project to be implemented so that hundreds of thousands of jobs could be created in a 60 km greenbelt with upstream and down-stream agro–industrial activities and finally water for Bulawayo which suffers perennial water shortages. He had formed the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Trust (MZWT) to pursue this dream and developed viable business models to ensure that it was well funded. The Trust applied for mining concessions in Lupane to facilitate self-funding for the Zambezi project but this was shot down by senior government officials. If the government is serious about honouring Dabengwa, it must ensure this project is implemented and there is a timeframe to complete it. The project is listed in the Matrix which government developed in response to fearless advocacy from the Matabeleland Collective. There must be a clear roadmap including the granting of concessions to the MZWT and completion of the Gwai Shangani Dam in the next 12 months. The national budget must set aside funds for this project.

3.Implementation of Devolution of Power

Devolution of power is something which Dr Dabengwa vehemently believed in and in order to honour him this project must be implemented immediately. There has been enough talking and “pie in the sky talk” about devolution but what remains is action so the enabling legislation to effect devolution must be put in place as a matter of the utmost urgency in consultation with civil society and other stakeholders.

4. REWRITING THE COUNTRY’S HISTORY

The country’s history is fatally flawed and erroneously excludes the contribution of ZAPU and ZPRA in the liberation struggle. The first guns to be brought into Zimbabwe were smuggled into the country in 1962 after talks between Joshua Nkomo and Abdul Naser the then Egyptian President. Once in the then Rhodesia, the young Bobylock Manyonga, was unfortunately found in possession of dangerous weapons and the ZAPU efforts foiled but the first weapons came into the country in 1962 and this is not recorded in the country’s history in an accurate manner. The first militants to escape from Grey Prison were Moffat Hadebe, Clarke Mpofu and two other cadres, yet this incredible prison break remains unknown and undocumented. The exploits of the John Dube led Luthuli detachment are not adequately captured neither is the Sipholilo campaign led by Moffat Hadebe. The A.N.C / ZAPU alliance is not fully captured in the annuls of Zimbabwean history neither is the contribution of ZAPU, ZPRA stalwarts.

5.Adressing Gukurahundi

The Gukurahundi Genocide must be addressed holistically and comprehensively with a victim led approach being the epi centre of the process and truth recovery and restorative justice being cardinal to the process.

Lastly, the City of Bulawayo must post humously award Freedom of the City to Dabengwa and name a street after him together with Lookout Masuku, Nikita Mangena, Akim Ndlovu and Moffat Hadebe [he is still alive].  ZAPU heroes such as Sydney Malunga, Lazarus Nkala, Vote Moyo, Njini Ntuta, Edward Ndlovu, Steven Nkomo, Sikwili Moyo, Albert Nxele and others must be honoured as well.

 Dumisani O Nkomo

NKOMO is the Chief Executive Office Officer of Habakkuk Trust

He Writes here in his personal capacity

DO ELECTIONS WORK IN ZIMBABWE

Do Elections  Work In Zimbabwe ?-The Script Remains the Same

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

This article seeks to explore the efficacy of elections as a tool of democratic governance in Zimbabwe since 1980 . It is by no means exhaustive but in a brief  and cursory manner looks at the merits and demerits of elections in their current form  in Zimbabwe. I would like to argue that elections have been done ritually and religiously since 1980 but elections thus far have failed to deliver democratic governance since 1980 . However, elections are the only way in which leaders and governments can be put in place in the absence of other alternatives they remain the only legitimate democratic avenue of collective political expression. My argument is that there have to be widespread electoral and political reforms before elections become a tool of effective   governance and conflict transformation. It is however unlikely that the incumbents will be amenable to any reforms that may erode or compromise their grip on power.

Brief History of Elections In Zimbabwe

Since 1980 election results have been disputed with the 1980 elections being held amidst allegations of widespread voter intimidation and undue external influence on the electoral process. It was alleged by P.F ZAPU that ZANU P.F had embarked on nationwide terror campaign in order to coerce voters into electing their party into power. It was further alleged that a large number of ZANLA combatants had not gone into designated Assembly Points but instead ZANU had deployed a large number of Mujibhas and Chimbwidos into the assembly points whilst trained guerrillas continued to cause havoc in many rural areas  .

The 1985 elections were held whilst the Gukurahundi Massacres were underway and the main opposition [P.F ZAPU ]at that time had its offices and operations curtailed . Most of their top leaders such as Sydney Malunga , Vote Moyo , Steve Vuma ,Steven Nkomo as well as LookOut Masuku and Dumiso Dabengwa were in detention . Central Intelligence Officials and the then newly created notorious Police Internal Security Intelligence, the Youth Brigades and the Fifth Brigade had lists of ZAPU officials in each district of Matabeleland/Midlands  and went village by village wantonly killing abducting P.F ZAPU officials  and the likes of Frasser Sibanda  from Mpopoma [Bulawayo ]were abducted never to be seen again . Elections were still held and surprisingly ZAPU won all fifteen seats in Matabeleland but lost seats in the Midlands and Mashonaland West were ZANU  had targeted P.F ZAPU  supporters . The elections then cannot were  not  free and fair . In 1990 after the Unity Accord  the main opposition was the Zimbabwe Unity Movement led by Edgar Tekere and his party was exposed to a lot of state vagaries and brutalities  with Patrick Kombayi then a leading ZUM official being shot by intelligence agents . In spite of a sterling performance ZUM was soundly beaten and the system of first past the post ensured that they had few seats in parliament .

The 2000 parliamentary elections and 2002  Presidential Elections were some of the most violent and unfair elections in the history of the country with the advent of the Movement for Democratic Change . There was wide scale intimidation , murder and abductions of opposition supporters and officials with the likes of David Coltarts election agent Patrick Nabanyama being abducted and scores killed in cold blood . The state media was brazenly partisan, chiefs were whipped into line and land redistribution was done on partisan lines. Repressive and archaic laws such as the Public Order and Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act were introduced.  The then Morgan Tsvangirai led M.D.C disputed the elections and filed election petitions .

The same script happened in the 2008 elections where ZANU P.F and their candidate Robert Mugabe were beaten in the elections by the M.D.C . Election results were delayed and there was no outright winner according to the electoral management body . The opposition complained bitterly and a run off  for the presidential elections was held . After thousands of opposition supporters were beaten and abducted Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out of the race .  A political and electoral impasse ensued  and a government of national unity was formed after mediation by South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki .

In 2013  ZANU P.F won both the parliamentary and presidential elections amidst of  allegations of massive rigging which however could not be proved . It was a scenario of everybody knowing that they  had been pick pocketed but not being sure how the electoral pickpocketing had been done . Of course there was also massive internal structural , strategic and political discord in the opposition  that contributed to the loss including splitting of votes between the opposition  parties . This aside the history of systematic and smart militarization of electoral and political processes continued and has become embedded in our collective electoral D.N.A  .

This is not helped by  weak internal democracy within major opposition parties where more often than not  the most violent or corrupt end up winning as candidates as evidenced in the last elections where the number of women candidates decreased due to increased intra party violence .

The 2018 elections were predictably again disputed by the M .D.C Alliance but it is pretty obvious that after a coup the incumbents were not going to give away power on a silver platter .The new political establishment , jettisoned into power through a military coup needed the elections to be baptized and confirmed as legitimate whilst the opposition saw it as a democratic opportunity to conquer power .It was obvious that at any and every means the new /old political  military- political establishment needed to win the elections and they made sure that they did because the consequences of losing after a military takeover where monumental .

 Once again for 2023 the script is the same . Party state conflation rules the roost  , traditional leaders continue to be partisan , food distribution is politicized , the composition of the ZEC secretariat is questionable and state media is an extension of the ruling party . The first part the post system continues marginalizing minority voices and so called smaller parties with key geo political interests and positions will continue to be side-lined. It is unlikely that the 2013 elections will deliver a different result. The script remains the same . The actors can change but unless the script is changed the results will be the same and Zimbabweans  will be crying foul once again. Elections in Zimbabwe are like as one person described “two lions and one sheep deciding what to have for supper “.

I am not saying elections are useless but in the absence of far reaching reforms such as :

1.       Independence of the electoral management body

2.        A clean voters roll and a transparent process of voter registration

3.       Punitive measures for partisan traditional leaders

4.       Depoliticization of food distribution and inputs

5.       Demilitarization of elections – especially involvement in the electoral management body secretariat

6.       Media reform

7.       Respect for the constitution and upholding of fundamental human rights .

8.       Deharmonizing local government elections from presidential elections so that local government  elections focus  on local issues , and quality meritocratic  leadership

9.       Proportional representation  in parliament – it has its own disadvantages though but the first past the post system entrenches big man politics .

In the absence of this elections are a mere political ritual carried out religiously to legitimize incumbents at the altar of political convenience

Mayibuye

Dumisani Nkomo writes here in his personal capacity . He is an opinion leader, columnist and Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust .He is also the vice chairman of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network

Dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com