Who Will Win 2018 Polls

Who Will Win 2018 Elections? Strengths and Weaknesses of Key Contenders

Dumisani O. Nkomo

The harmonized elections are barely a month away and aspirants of all persuasions are out in full force hugging babies, giving to the needy, launching openings of bins and promising everything to everyone as they desperately seek to sway public opinion and hopefully the popular vote in their way. It is becoming increasingly clear that the presidential race is becoming a two-way race in strong field of presidential candidates. It would be most desirable if no party had a two thirds majority in parliament and for the electorate to choose their preferred candidates on merit. However, election fever characterized by a propensity for electoral infatuation by both the aspiring candidates and the perspiring electorate may see people throwing reason out of the window and voting for parties which are most likely to win rather than candidates who can deliver. If this scenario obtains, the race will then become a two-man horse race between President Emmerson Mnangwagwa and Advocate Nelson Chamisa.  In this article I will explore the chances that these two candidates have and the external factors and other variables which will determine their chances in the presidential race. I will explore the chances of other aspirants such as Dr Thokozani Khuphe, Dr Mujuru, Dr Nkosana Moyo and others in subsequent instalments.

Recent opinion polls have suggested that the incumbent President Emmerson Mnangwagwa is likely to win the elections. However, there has been contesting views by numerous political analysists who have highlighted that there is a large number of people who have not indicated their preferred choice ahead of the 2018 Harmonised Elections.

I will briefly look into few factors that will work in favour of and against both candidates.

Emmerson Mnangagwa -Key Strengths and Advantages

1.     Incumbency

The cardinal advantage which Emmerson Mnangagwa has in this presidential race is that of the advantages of incumbency. As the current president of Zimbabwe ED Mnangagwa has to his personal advantage as a presidential candidate is access to information, resources and personnel which no other candidate has. The sitting president has a head start because he has control [albeit debatably] of the key organs of the  state  such as the army  and the civil service and to an extent the electoral process which on paper is run by an independent commission [ Z.E.C ] .The incumbent’s control of the entire security apparatus is questionable though as the police and the intelligence apparatus is not fully under his control but broadly and theoretically speaking they lie within the ambit of his influence or at least the purvey of the ruling party which of course should not be the case but in actual case has been the case under former president Robert Mugabe .

2.    Resources

It can further be denoted that Emmerson Mnangagwa as an incumbent has admittance to state machinery and financial support from countries such as China as well as funds form the Political Parties, just to name a few. The incumbent in addition to the already existing resources has also benefited from financial provisions that have been made under the auspices of the Finance Act, 2018 (No.1 of 2018) under which they and the leading opposition parties in parliament received a budget vote to jump-start the two political parties’ campaigns ahead of the 2018 Harmonised elections. Linked to this it can further be construed that ZANU PF and Mnangwagwa will also benefit from over 210 vehicles allocated to each parliamentary candidate in addition to the hundreds of other vehicles they have secured, it is also likely that state resources will be used or abused to aid Mnangwagwa ’s presidential bid.

3.     Control of Military

This of course is debatable especially after the recent bombing incident which transpired at White City Stadium in Bulawayo as it is not abundantly clear whether the president has full control of the security apparatus of the country in the manner Robert Mugabe did up to the 2013 elections. However, if we are to assume that he controls the military it then becomes very problematic and intuitively cumbersome for the opposition to dislodge him because of the militarization of many civilian institutions including the civil service. In 2008 the military played a major role in ZANU PF retaining power by foul or fair means.

4.    Control of State Media

The public media especially the Z.B C has continued to be an extension of the ruling party even with this being evinced by the constant coverage of the ruling party activities ahead of the 2018 Harmonised elections. However, in the last month or so efforts have been to decoratively open space.

5.     Opening of Space

The opening of space for political parties and civil society in terms of freedom of association has been quite clear and some may feel that indeed this is a new era and not a “new error “.

   Nelson Chamisa- Strengths and Competitive Advantages

1.    Charisma

Unlike his opponent Nelson Chamisa possesses a natural charism which is key for any election. This is an attribute which Robert Mugabe had and which Mnangwagwa does not have. He is able to relate to various audiences and effectively articulate issues at rallies  

2.    Generational Vote

Nelson Chamisa as a young person has the potential to appeal to the youth registrants as the majority of the registered voters are under the age of forty. Flipping on the other side of the coin this gain is also debatable because people do not vote in straight lines and there is a likelihood that some professionals may buy into Mnangagwa business rhetoric. However, the majority of Zimbabweans who will be voting were born after independence and will be keen to see a new leader with a new mandate taking over seeing that Mnangagwa has been in cabinet since 1980 and cannot absolve himself from failures of the Mugabe regime.

3.    Protest Vote

Chamisa will also benefit from the fact that there has not been any significant economic growth and improvement in service delivery. Besides the Zimbabwe is ready for business rhetoric there is no actual tangible change that can attest to a new era. Admittedly space has opened up and roadblocks have disappeared but economically the cash crisis persists and long bank queues are the order of the day. Economic growth takes time as we know but the people will judge a leader by what he has promised and by the economic deliverables they see. To this extent Chamisa may gain from the protest vote arising from economic conditions

Further enunciated below are the weaknesses and the possible threats that can work against the two prominent presidential candidates ahead of the 2018 Harmonised elections:

Presidential Candidate – Emmerson Mnangagwa

1.         The incumbent paralleled to his opponent lacks charisma

2.         Failed attempts to curb corruption

3.         A Botched First Hundred-day plan

4.         Internal threat of the former G40 elements many of whom won in ZANU PF this may result in the “bhora musango “phenomenon with ZANU PF elements voting for ZANU PF Members of parliament and councillors whilst voting for an opposition candidate for presidential elections.

5.         Emergence of the National Patriotic Front which may split the ZANU PF vote especially the Mashonaland Provinces.

6.         Fissures resulting from the conduct of primary elections may result in the increase of ZANUP.F supporters and disgruntled candidates mobilizing against official party candidates and the official party candidate

7.         Lack of control of entire security apparatus especially the police and intelligence services.

8.         The past will continue to haunt Mnangwagwa as his role in the Matabeleland Massacres will continue to haunt him and so will his alleged involvement in the 2008 election violence.  

Presidential Candidate - Nelson Chamisa

1.Internal fissures as a result of weak internal democracy and results of primary elections. This may result in some party supporters voting for M.D.C T led by Khuphe, Nkosana Moyo and Dr Mujuru.

2.Perceptions of immaturity.

3.High sounding promises which the electorate may feel are unattainable.

4.Lack of consistent messaging – Whilst E.D Zimbabwe’s open for business mantra is clear and consistent Chamisa on the other hand has not been very consistent in articulating what he stands for and appears to change his messaging depending on where he is or who he is addressing. This as a result can be a strength but can be construed as a weakness.

5.Lack of resources – Unlike previous elections there are little resources for opposition parties and Chamisa party in particular.

6.A clear threat to Chamisa’s chances will be the military’s willingness to roll over and allow an opposition candidate to win after having conducted military takeover or more precisely a coup. The establishment is unlikely to let this happen.

7.Confusion arising from the party name as many especially in rural areas may not know the difference between the M.D C Alliance and the M.D.C – T.

In the final analysis it will be a very closely contested battle  and the above factors will play a key role in determining who wins the elections. As to who will win I leave it to the reader based on the above factors and other variables.

Dumisani Nkomo is the Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust. He is also the vice chairperson of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network. He writes here in his personal capacity and views shared here are not a reflection of the views of any of the above organizations .He can be contacted on dumisani .nkomo@gmail.com  .

Devolution Has Worked In Other Countries

Devolution Has Worked In Other Countries

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

It has been widely and wildly postulated that devolution of power is divisive, unviable economically and impractical in small countries . In this instalment I would like to argue that devolution of power is a system of government which has been implemented successfully in African , European and Asian countries big and small with tremendous economic as well as developmental dividends .

Definition

Perhaps it would be helpful to define devolution and differentiate it from other systems of governance .Devolution can be defined as “the statutory delegation of powers from the central government of a state to a sub-regional or local level “.In the United Kingdom which has implemented devolution of power for  a while devolution is defined as “the statutory granting of powers from the  parliament of the United Kingdom to the Scottish parliament and the National Assembly of Wales “

Devolution of power is a concept of ensuring that legislative and executive power is shared and distributed to different levels or tiers of government. In South Africa power is devolved at provincial and municipal level to 9 provinces and 278 municipalities. The rationale of devolving power to multiple levels of government is to primarily ensure that:

1.Citizens participate in decision-making through level governance structures

2.Service delivery is accessible

3.Government is closer to the people

4.Greater accountability an transparency in resource and public finance management.

5.Effective and effective revenue collection

Other African countries that have embraced devolution of power include Kenya with its system of devolving power to 47 counties. Constitutions which recognize and affirm devolution include countries such as Uganda [1995] ,Nigeria [ 1999].South Africa [1996] and in theory Zimbabwe [2013] . Swaziland has its own brand of devolution under it’s Tinkundla system of governance in the country’s five regions . To  a large extent devolution has worked very well in Kenya with development being felt in different parts of the country . This is not to say that the system is perfect as nothing before heaven is perfect.

In Europe there exist numerous examples of countries which have embraced devlolution of power amongst them the Netherlands , Italy ,France ,Switzerland  Spain as well as Nordic countries Denamrk and Finland .Interestingly the Netherlands devolves power to two states and two provinces .Denmark with a population of 5,6 million and Finland with a population of 5,4 million are examples of countries which are smaller than Zimbabwe but have well devolved models of governance .The Swiss Canton system is well documented as a paragon of good governance .

Devolution of power  to other tiers or levels or layers of government does not necessarily require constitutional amendments but may find expression in laws which transfer power to provincial and municipal level for example . In Zimbabwe Chapter 14 of the constitution already provides a sound constitutional framework for devolution but what is needed  is  specific laws which transfer legislative and executive powers to provincial and local government level .Laws that would need to be aligned to reflect or entrench a devolved model of governance are laws that govern public finance , natural resources , public tenders ,civil service employment . Importantly a law regulating the relationship and interrelationship between the different tiers or layers of government has to be put in place in order to ensure that there is no conflict between central government , provincial government and local government but rather complementarity subsists .

Devolution of power is actually a very mild form of distributing power away from the centre to the margins as systems used in the United States , Canada and Australia are more federal in nature with states having power legislatively ,  judicially and executively with the Federal governments only dealing with Defence , Homeland Security and international relations . The Zimbabwean model actually envisages devolution with a “unitary ‘system as opposed to a “Federal system . The merits or demerits of a unitary system or a federal system are arguments best reserved for another day and possible another instalment. However it remains very clear that a devolved system of governance would work very well in Zimbabwe in order to address issues of disproportionate  and uneven development , lack of citizen participation , deficiency bottom up development and an absence of  innovative service delivery .

In South Africa the devolved system of governance has seen the devolved entities self funding 85 %of their costs thus dismissing the notion held by some that devolution of power is expensive .

Devolution of power is a system of government that has worked well in Europe , Africa and Asia .It is a not a perfect model but we can use lessons from Kenya and South Africa to develop  a model of devolution which is relevant to and responsive to the Zimbabwean context .In other words we can develop a devolution model made in our own image as Zimbabweans but borrowing from the experiences of other countries .

Mayibuye I – Devolution

Dumisani O. Nkomo is the Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust . He writes here in his personal capacity . He is a thought leader , writer ,content producer

Impediments To Service Delivery

Impediments To  Good Service Delivery

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

Provision of basic services is the primary function of local authorities but tragically most local authorities have failed to deliver on their mandate for a multiplicity of reasons which I will explore in this instalment. Local authorities have not been alone in failing to deliver services as statutory bodies tasked with service delivery have been complicit in their failure to ensure that citizens enjoy sound service delivery. The service delivery basket includes provision of water , electricity, sewer reticulation ,health services , education ,mobile phone services and increasingly internet service provision .

To this extent the ambit of service delivery then includes entities such as the Zimbabwe Water Authority, the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply  Authority companies ,the  Zimbabwe National Roads Authority to name a few . One can actually argue that the Zimbabwe Police Service as it is named in the constitution is a major service provider in terms of providing security for the citizens of the country. However, for this specific article I will focus on local authorities and in subsequent instalments I will major on other statutory service providers

It is important to understand, interrogate and fully grasp the underlying reasons why there has been such a significant failure to provide services. In order for one to have their ailment treated it is essential to understand the causes of the sickness   through a diagnosis and thereafter it becomes easy to provide a prognosis or forecast on what should be done to remedy the illness. The same applies to service delivery as failure to understand the undergirding reasons will result in wrong prescriptions being given. Service delivery includes abroad spectrum of supply side processes which respond to demand side imperatives driven by consumers who in this case are residents and rate payers. The following are reasons for poor service delivery.

Narrow / Inadequate Revenue base

Most local authorities in both urban and rural areas in Zimbabwe are affected by very narrow revenue bases which largely if not wholly rely on rates, fees, levies , taxes charged to residents . This is unsustainable in an economy such as ours were unemployment is at over 80%. Since most residents are unable to pay such rates and levies which are due this adversely affects the capacity of local authorities to deliver vital services. Since the revenue base of local authorities is disproportionately based on already stressed ratepayers inevitably councils then suffer from low incomes and low expenditure on capital projects . Capital projects including construction of infrastructure is essential in driving local economies as there are numerous downstream effects such as creation of jobs as well growth of related feeder industries such as steelmaking, glassmaking etc. .

It is thus imperative for both rural and urban local authorities to explore the opening up of alternative revenue streams so as to tap resources for service delivery from a broader economic base . Currently residents are largely unable to solely provide a ready and reliable revenue base for councils. There must be concerted effort by local authorities to engage residents on the importance of paying their bills including this writer by the way ] so that residents understand the relationship between service delivery and payment of bills .Local authorities must also explore broadening of revenue streams beyond already stressed residents .

2.Misplaced Priorities

A lot of local authorities spend precious resources on luxury items at the expense of service delivery . Mayoral mansions and luxury vehicles are an example of how local authorities fail to prioritize service delivery .Some councillors are known to be more seized with the size of their allowances than with provision of services  for citizens . This is a direct result of councillors who have no business being in council chambers but are rather “accidentally elected from the ranks of the unemployed. Instead of these councillors pursuing the interests of the people they end up selfishly vigorously pursuing self-interest in a desire for economic survival .

Corruption

The scourge of corruption has continued to erode the ability and capacity of some local authorities  in particular in issues relating to tender processes .Corruption increases the cost of services and   some municipalities procure service delivery equipment which is below standard thus affecting long term service delivery .In  rural district councils some local authorities have been fingered in failure to filter proceeds from the Communal Areas Management Programme For Indigenous Resources [Campfire ] to communities .

Institutional Culture

The culture of customers as kings/queens  is rapidly vanishing as in this respect residents are consumers of services and should be treated as kings and queens  .However in many instances employees of municipalities  treat residents with contempt as if these services are privileges bestowed by benevolent municipalities and not rights .Service delivery at time is not about provision about hard services but access to information  , responsiveness and simple courtesy . The past fifteen years has been epitomized by a general negative work ethic as a result of the economic crisis . This has affected the quality of service delivery.

Solutions

1.Local authorities must explore the creation of alternative revenue streams beyond burdening financially stressed residents and ratepayers.

2.Residents and corporate citizens must pay their rates, levies and taxes.

3.Residents must elect quality councillors who know the role of the local authority. Quality does not just refer to academic qualifications but includes leadership track record, capacity.

4.Elcetd councillors must declare their assets before taking office and account for the property they have acquired at the end of their tenure.

5.Strenthening of policies that deal with corruption and fraud at municipal level.

6.Use of technology to enhance service delivery. Municipalities can track and enhance service delivery needs through the use of Geographical Information Systems and other technological innovations, packages and systems. It is no longer necessary to physically travel to Canada to learn about service delivery when the information gap has been closed by technology.

7.Promotion of local economic development through frameworks for Public Private Partnerships

8.Devolving power to local authorities to ensure that municipalities are responsive to the service delivery needs of citizens

9.Creating space for demand side engagement by promoting the role of residents’ associations and other interest based organizations and movements.

10 . Continuous training of municipal staff in customer care, public relations and citizen engagement

Having said this, I have come across many municipal workers and managers who have exhibited professionalism and a progressive work ethic and I urge these to continue with this attitude.

Mayibuye !

Dumisani O. Nkomo Is the Chief executive Officer  of Habakkuk Trust . He writes here in his personal capacity

The Devolution Dividend

The Devolution Development Dividend

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

The argument that was and is still propounded by some sections of the Zimbabwean ruling elite that devolution of power is expensive is both frivolous and vexatious for a number of reasons which I will discuss in this instalment.

It must be remembered that the failure to implement devolution of power was one of the reasons that was cited for the attempted impeachment of Robert Mugabe, which was then overtaken by his subsequent resignation. Is our collective amnesia so effective that a whole government can choose to ignore such a critical governance tenet?

The Minister of Finance, Patrick Chinamasa infamously declared that devolution of power was costly and government could not afford to implement it. I would like to argue that failure to implement devolution of power will be costlier for the government and indeed the people of Zimbabwe .

Devolution of power is not necessarily creating new structures, new employees and so forth but rather ensuring that structures at local and provincial level have the power to implement decisions at their level for the benefit of local communities. Although section 270 of the constitution envisages Provincial and metropolitan councils’ creation of structures and staff, this is not the main thrust of devolution of power to provincial and local level tiers of governance.

Devolution of power will necessarily make governance easier as it enables citizens to have access to government which in itself contributes to the type of governance reflected in section 194 0f the constitution. Section 94 envisages public administration which amongst other things is responsive to people’s needs, transparent and encourages people to participate in policy making. For this to happen and to happen more effectively it is important to have public administration and governance that is localized with sufficient power to make decisions that can make a difference in the lives of people in that particular locality, community, district or province. Devolution of power is methodology of governance that facilitates this effectively.

Ownership and Benefit of Local Resources

Devolution of power allows communities to manage their own affairs and to benefit from their own resources. The objects of devolution of power in the constitution adequately capture this in section 264 paragraph d which states “to recognize the right of local communities to manage their own affairs and to further their own development”.

In actual fact development processes in Zimbabwe are premised on the imperative of bottom up development epitomized by the role of Village Development Committees (VIDCOs), Ward Development Committees (WADCO) created under the Traditional Leaders Act and the Rural District Councils Act.  VIDCOS and WADCOS are supposed to formulate annual development plans which are then channelled upwards to the District Development Committees and then the Rural District Development Committees. There is then a development process disconnect because there is no link between local, district level and provincial development processes since the old Provincial Development Committee structures do not have adequate decision making powers to ensure that plans developed at micro level are actualized through budget processes. From a development planning perspective, devolution of power becomes essential as it enables aspirations of citizens expressed through their micro level plans to be manifested. Tragically VIDCOs and WADCOs have become commissariat structures of the ruling party and needless to say the whole imperative of bottom up planning has been lost in the jungle of political expedience.

Devolution of power to local/municipal and provincial structures is key in national development as developmental planning assumes a bottom –up paradigm.

Management of Local Resources

When locals are fully in charge of their own resources and are able to make decisions on resource governance communities are thus fully developed. The people of Gwanda must benefit from their Mopani worms and gold deposits, the people of Chiadzwa must benefit from the diamond deposits in their vicinity and the people from Matojeni must benefit from the wildlife at the Matobo National Game Park in the same manner that the communities in Lupane must benefit from methane gas deposits. If benefits cannot be accrued directly there must a devolved system of ensuring that locals are employed and downstream or upstream economic activity gravitates locally.

It does not make sense for people in Marange to be wallowing in poverty when there are diamond deposits all around them or the people of Nkayi to see trucks moving in and out of the district timber logging whilst children in the district do not have desks or chairs. A devolved resource governance and public finance dispensation addresses such anomalies.

I would like to posit therefore that if Zimbabwe is a democratic developmental state devolution of power is best positioned to facilitate this for the following reasons;

1.It brings governance processes closer to the people.

2.It increases accountability and access to decision making and policy processes.

3.Makes revenue collection more efficient.

4.It is essential in development planning.

5.Creates a greater sense of ownership of the national cake as communities have access to their own local slice and hence access to the bigger cake unlike a highly centralized system were people do not even know that there is a cake in the first place.

Mayibuye!

Dumisani Nkomo is the Chief Executive officer of Habakkuk Trust. He is also a writer, social entrepreneur, content producer and thought  leader. He writes here in his personal capacity.

Is Zimbabwe Open For Business ?

Is Zimbabwe Open For Business ?Service Delivery Failure Costly

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

The new government administration has adopted the term “Zimbabwe is open for business “ as  its official policy statement . I would like to argue that whilst in terms of rhetoric Zimbabwe may be open for business a lot needs to be done in order to really make Zimbabwe open for business. According to the Global Competitiveness Index produced by the World Bank Zimbabwe ranks number 124 out of 137 countries [Global Competitiveness Report 2017 -2018 ]

Importantly the Global Competitiveness Report captures issues such as internet speed , ease of doing business and corruption using the corruption index [Wikepedia] .Given this global context ,it is quite clear that Zimbabwe needs to address critical service delivery , infrastructural and  economic governance issues if the country is really be  open for  business .

The Challenge of Electricity

Last week I staged a one-man demonstration to protest against the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority’s failure to install a   meter at my humble residence. It took roughly three months for the electricity utility company to connect electricity to my house from a pole which is about twenty metres from my house due to institutional inertia and another three months to install a meter. In the first two months the power utility company stated that this failure was due to non-availability of meters which they had ordered from outside the country. I then procured a meter from private company under ZESA’s Customer  Pre Paid Meter scheme  and it took over two weeks for the meter to be connected . If one whole state enterprise can fail to deliver such a basic service to one household how can it then deliver this critical service to a broader consumer base including industry? Is Zimbabwe ready for business when it takes over four months to connect electricity and secure meters at household level ?. Definitely this is a pointer that Zimbabwe is not open for business until there is demonstrable capacity to provide basic services .

Significantly ZESA Holdings was unbundled into over five companies a few years ago which then created the Zimbabwe Power Company, the Zimbabwe Electricity Distribution Company and  the Rural Electrification Authority among others . Obviously this created a top heavy structure at the expense of the consumer who has the added burden of bureaucracy because of the number of entities that have been created to supply electricity.

Assuming that the government wants to build 8 million houses under Command housing thus stimulating downstream and upstream  economic growth ,will this be possible given an inability to install meters to a few hundred consumers ?. It is quite clear that there is no institutional capacity to provide basic services such as electricity and as such no capacity for bigger infrastructural projects unless the government wants to build gigantic Dark cities with no electricity or water.

Network , Connectivity Issues

The advent of electronic money has assisted in easing cash shortages. This has however been frustrated by poor connectivity and slow internet speed thus affecting electronic banking including services such as internet banking etc. .If Zimbabwe is to be competitive the country has to have adequate infrastructure including Information Communication Technology to ensure that investors both local and foreign operate in an environment that encourages electronic commerce thus in the long term cutting down on operational costs .Global competitiveness entails a country having the ability to embrace e commerce and e commerce which are dependent on the extent of development of digital infrastructure .

The provision of critical services such as electricity, water, internet ,mobile networks and transport infrastructure is thus important in facilitating economic growth . No investor will invest a country where systems do not work and infrastructure is depleted or non-existent

Let’s be serious if we want Zimbabwe is to be open for business. Individual residents do not have to struggle to access services when in most instances they have paid for those services. There must also be scrapping of colonial by- laws which frustrate building of houses and provision of water. This does not mean that we should lower standards or quality but rather we take a leaf from global trends.

Institutional and Behavioural Change

There must be an effort towards institutional reform especially in parastatals and state enterprises with a mandate of providing services. There must be training of key staff in customer care so that the customer is king or queen maxim becomes corporate culture. At the moment most state institutions, government departments and state enterprises are far from providing responsive, transparent and timely services as enshrined in the constitution. It does not cost municipalities or state enterprises such as ZESA anything for their employees to be courteous to customers for example or to provide timely information on the availability or non-availability of services . I had to stage a demonstration to be heard but this must not be the case as corporates may not have time to engage in such actions but they will simply move to other countries where it is easy to do business because of efficient service delivery and minimal bureaucracy.

We have a lot to do before we are open for business but the good news is that it is still possible.

Dumisani O . Nkomo is the chief executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust .He is also an activist , content producer and writer . He writes here in his personal capacity .

He can be contacted on email – Dumisani .nkomo@gmail.com

Service Delivery Key to Human and Economic Development

Service Delivery Key to Human and Economic Development

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

Whoever wins the 2018 Elections whether its Nelson Chamisa, Emmerson Mnangagwa or whoever must grapple with critical questions around service delivery without which the “Zimbabwe is open for business” mantra would become empty and meaningless. The provision of basic services by those entities legally and statutorily mandated  to provide such services   is to  key to human and  economic development. Human development as defined by the U.N.D.P should be epitomized by access to basic services which in themselves are indicators of the level of development of the citizens of any country. To this extent the availability of services such as water, electricity, sanitation, public transport, health and education is essential to any country. Importantly I would like to argue that access to Information Communication Technology is and must be a basic service because without access to ICT ‘s communities and citizens are excluded from the global village and from critical financial transactions which are determined by access to Information Communication Technology. Without sound service delivery economic growth and development will be a perpetual mirage as investment locates itself within an enabling framework. Business cannot be done in a vacuum and that is an indisputable fact.

The following services are crucial for any country serious about human and economic development in the context of Africa:

Water and sanitation

The issue of access to clean water is enshrined in the Country’s constitution under the declaration of rights. Access to clean water is thus a fundamental human right which no Zimbabwean should be struggling to access in this day and age. Availability of water is also key to industrialization and water shortages can potentially cripple some economic activities.

It is scandalous that in this day and age we as a nation are still celebrating Blair toilets as  a  national achievement in rural areas. Why should we lower standards for our citizens by ululating the movement of people from open defecation under trees to squat holes in tiny toilets. Surely as a nation we can do more than this. Whilst I applaud the efforts of humanitarian agencies in building blair toilets I would like to strongly advocate for equal standards of sanitation for all Zimbabweans .Surely the abundance of squat holes cannot be a measure of human development in this day and age .

A well-developed sewer reticulation system must be developed in the next ten to fifteen years to ensure that there is significant human development epitomized by human dignity.

Electricity

The availability of electricity is a fundamental reflection of the level of development of any community. Additionally, availability  of electricity is key to the growth of industry and a conducive business environment. The abundant potential of solar energy must be tapped into as a viable eco-friendly energy alternative which will place the country on a path of sustainable energy provision.

Refuse Collection and Sewer Reticulation

Refuse collection is a basic service which local authorities must provide in order to ensure that our urban centres do not become gigantic dump sites. There must a conscious effort by local authorities to promote recycling and re- use of waste as a sustainable waste management strategy. Waste management strategies of local authorities must not just focus on waste disposal but fundamentally converting waste to energy for industrial and domestic use. Biogas as an alternative form of energy must thus be vigorously explored. The Environmental Management Authority, Science and Technology institutions such the National University of Science and Technology in partnership with local authorities and the private sector can form formidable partnerships to develop alternative, sustainable energy use which will unlock value for individual citizens but also importantly for economic development as well.

Roads

The country’s road network is deplorable and this is inconvenient not only for the country’s citizens but also for investors. Access to markets is determined by sound road, rail and air infrastructure and services. The country needs massive investment in the arena of development of transport infrastructure as a basis for service delivery and economic development. Most of the roads in Bulawayo for example were built by the colonial government and very few by our own black government.

ICT ‘s

The availability of information communication technology must no longer be viewed as a luxury but as a basic need without which the country’s citizens are excluded from the global community of citizens. Electronic financial transactions make it imperative for the country’s telecommunication, communication and technological infrastructure to be competitive.

Access and availability of information communication technology is thus a vital service for individual and corporate citizens without which ordinary citizens cannot participate in the mainstream economy.

Dumisani O. Nkomo is the Chief Executive officer of Habakkuk Trust , a Christian advocacy , research and information dissemination organization . He writes here in his personal capac

Hold Local Government Elections Separately in 2023

Local Government Elections Must Be held Separately[edited ]

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

It’s election year again and as usual the usual suspects are out there promising everything to everyone, everywhere they go. Pertinently below the rubble, of harmonized elections lies a very important plebiscite, local government elections. I would like to strongly argue that like in the past local government or council elections should be separated from presidential and parliamentary elections. The decision to have harmonized elections leading to the requisite legal alignment was largely a cost cutting administrative decision but it came a very big long term cost as the electorate now does not give a hoot about municipal elections because of its obsession with the presidential and parliamentary elections.

Importance of Local Government

Local government in my humble opinion is the most foundational basis of a democracy as it is that tier of government that citizens are most able to interact with. Local government should thus be afforded the importance due to it as it relates to the daily of people. However because local government elections have been lumped with  legislative and presidential elections, the importance of this vital tier of government has been buried in an avalanche of electoral infatuation. Hardly anybody takes note of local government elections when they vote since most people tend to vote in a linear fashion rather than laterally. By this I mean the voting behaviour of people in Zimbabwe is that they tend to vote for the party or in a single block fashion without laterally and cognitively taking into account the multiple level requirements or imperatives for each level of governance. Subsequently voters are most likely to vote for their presidential candidate preference and then vote for a legislator and councillor from the same party without necessarily exploring the merits or demerits of the individual councillor they are voting for. The political erotica adrenalin of the presidential candidates and the  adrenaline of the parliamentary elections reduces the local government contest to a farce. Vital issues relating to and related to local governance, service delivery and local economic development are hence compromised in the process.

Specifically at local government level there are peculiar issues which are not necessarily at stake at national level and these pertain to:

1.       Service Delivery

The primary mandate of local authorities is to provide services to residents including provision of clean water , refuse collection , roads and recreational facilities. People that contest at this level must therefore demonstrate capacity or propensity for the same. If government elections were held separately it would be easier to identify individuals and political parties that are best positioned to deliver at local level. At an individual municipal candidate level the electorate is able to measure the candidate’s personal plan or manifestoes versus the service delivery needs of residents.

Political parties with the best manifestoes to address local issues can also be then elected at such a level but in a national harmonized plebiscite they are all too often buried in gigantic electoral avalanches. Beyond elections it is also easier to hold the successful councillor to account since councillors reside locally and are accessible unlike presidential and parliamentary candidates who tend to be more distant. In the hullaballoo of harmonized elections, hardly anybody remembers the issues at stake and as such basic service delivery issues are dumped at the altar of electoral and political expedience. It is desirable at times to have smaller geo specific interest based political parties winning at local government level rather than having big parties winning at all levels. This brings about a greater checks and balances than having dominant political parties at all levels.

Local Economic Development

Local government addresses issues to do with local economic development which may differ from broader macro level issues at stake at national level . Municipal elections clearly identify those with capacity to address local economic development issues.

Political Rationale

The system of separating local government elections from legislative and presidential elections will also help political parties to assess their popularity and improve their performance at national level . Local government elections can thus be a useful instrument of measuring the political relevance, popularity and chances of  political players.

After all is said and done there must be a separation of local government elections from parliamentary and presidential elections.

Dumisani Nkomo is the Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust. He writes here in his personal capacity