WEAKNESSES AND STRENGTHS OF M.D.C -T

ELECTIONS-STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESESS OF  M.D.C T

BY Dumisani O. Nkomo-Dumisani O Nkomo is the chief executive officer of Habakkuk Trust and the principal spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Consortium .He writes here in his personal capacity .

The major weakness of Zimbabwe’s main opposition parties continues to be their  failure to dictate the political pace ,course and direction of the country .They also suffer from a debilitating inability to put their differences aside to face a common enemy and choose to waste time and energy trading petty insults whilst the nation burns .I will attempt to make a cursory scan of the  major political parties in Zimbabwe  that present the strongest challenge to ZANU PF ,their competencies ,their deficiencies ,level of preparedness for elections and their chances in elections if such an eventuality becomes a reality .This article will specifically focus on the M.D.C T whilst subsequent articles will scrutinize the M.D.C M and the revived ZAPU .

I would like to preamble this article by noting that  tragically elections in Zimbabwe and Africa in general are not about ideas ,policies and election of sound leaders but are  rather are a  mere contest of power between belligerents with little or nothing valuable to offer to the electorate .

M.D.C.-T-Major Weaknesses

The M.D.C led by Morgan Tsvangirai stands the most realistic chance of defeating ZANU P.F and Robert Mugabe in elections .The party and it’s leader however have tragic flaws reminiscent of Shakespearean tragedies principal of which is the fact that the party has been accused of being ideologically bankrupt ,an argument which has not been convincingly rebutted .The party does not appear to have a clear and consistent ideological agenda and as such has tended to merely react to ZANU P.F .It has been accused of failing to clearly articulate it’s policies on land reform and indigenization ,weaknesses which ZANU P.F has  reveled on .Thankfully for them Zimbabwean politics at the moment is not about ideas ,ideologies and policies but rather personalities and issues of the stomach .Besides moments of brilliance from the likes of Finance minister Tendai Biti and a few others there is little indication that the party is a social democratic party with definable and tangible ideological or philosophical  distinctives  .Some people have even gone to the extent of arguing that if ZANU P.F and Mugabe did not exist ,the M.D.C.-T would struggle to justify it’s existence and relevance .The party is primarily a protest movement which thrives on the unpopularity of Robert Mugabe and ZANU PF rather than on well thought out policies based on solid ideological or philosophical foundations .

Protest Party Status

The M.D.C T seems  to be struggling to transform itself  from a protest movement to a pro active polity capable of governing the country .This is the same problem we have had with  ZANU P.F, a party which has  failed to transform itself from a liberation war movement to a proper ruling party .Consequently even though ZANU P.F left the bush thirty years ago the bush has not left them as they still believe  they are in a  war as evidenced by their political discourse ,diction ,language and mannerism .The M.D.C T should metamorphose from just being a protest movement to a proper political party with an agenda for governing the country and not revel in mistakes made by ZANU P.F as this is not sustainable in the long term .

 Structural and Organizational Deficiencies

M.D C T has been at the forefront of the  democratization agenda and it’s members have demonstrated a lot of courage and resilience in the face of state sanctioned violence .However courage and resilience are not enough in politics and any vibrant political party needs to be strategically competent .The party’s failure to mobilize its members in the constitutional outreach process is an example of how the M.D.C was outwitted and outmuscled by ZANU P.F .Whilst their leadership may pontificate that it was not their role to mobilize people ,but political reality dictates that every political party  worth its salt has  a role in mobilizing people around it’s beliefs ,policy direction and policies .They were found wanting in this regard in the constitutional outreach process which ZANU PF strategists used to gauge their strength .This strategy deficit was also evident in the manner in which the party failed to engage in effective regional lobbying at SADC level only succeeding at the level of the European Union and the Americas .Strategically this has led to the perception by some key African leaders that the M.D.C T is a western project which has  no clear understanding of the dynamics of African politics and diplomacy .This has been accentuated by disabled  international structures with a weak foreign policy engagement framework epitomized by collapsed or collapsing international party structures .Importantly however the M.D.C T does not appear to have a coherent and effective strategy at  a regional and international level to lobby on Zimbabwean issues ..The party’s foreign advocacy /mobilization strategy should not be premised on the accidental brilliance of individuals in the Diaspora but should be the product of a well

defined and refined foreign  policy matrix interwoven into stratagem imperatives defined by  think tanks on external affairs .Such a policy would enshrine a framework for engaging and mobilizing the Diaspora as an entry point for international advocacy and diplomacy  ..

Structural Defects and Inertia

The constitutional  outreach process proved that the M.D.C T has ineffective grassroots structures and  is dependent entirely on the unpopularity of ZANU P.F and the popularity of the  “Morgan Tsvangirai brand “.Factionalism and accusations of “kitchen cabinet” decision making have not helped the cause of the party which has the potential of comprehensively winning the elections even with the prevalence of violence .Importantly elections held in five to ten years time will no longer be about Mugabe or Tsvangirai but who can best govern the country .If the M.D.C  T therefore values it’s relevance to the future it should start positioning itself for the post Mugabe era .

Lack of Quality Leadership and Depth

The quality of a lot of M.D.C T councilors and members of parliament leaves a lot to be desired and could result in the party losing several seats  especially in Matabeland .There is an urgent need for the M.D.C to consider recruiting talented personnel  from various sectors of society if it is to be a respectable and effective political movement  capable not only of defeating ZANU P.F but more importantly running the country and not running it down .The party [M.D.C. T should be careful lest it be destroyed by  the “we died for this country “syndrome which alienates a lot of gifted individuals who could add value to the democracy and transformation  agenda .

I will not dwell much on the strengths of the party as the object of these articles to knee jerk progressive political parties into remedying their deficiencies .Briefly however the strengths of the M.D.C T are :

1.Their mass appeal to ordinary Zimbabweans who identify with it’s grassroots origins .

2.The party ‘s position as the only movement at the moment capable of defeating  ZANU P.F in an election as evidenced by the massive gains it made even in traditional ZANU P. F strongholds in the 2008 harmonized elections .People may thus be moved to backing a party with the necessary electoral aptitude to change the political direction of the nation vis a vis an election contest .

3.The charisma of Morgan Tsvangirai at grassroots level .Whilst Welshmen Ncube ,Dumiso Dabengwa and Arthur Mutambara may possess admirable leadership skills they lack charisma ,especially that charisma which appeals to toiling masses and not just middle class or upper middle class appeal .This[the working class ,informal sector and rural folk ] is the strata of the populace which determines the outcome of elections .

4.The outstanding brilliance of individuals such as Chamisa ,Biti and the commitment of its youth cadre ship .

5.It’s  willingness and openness to advice to stakeholders outside the corridors of power .

6.It’s understanding of grassroots issues and ability to resonate with alienated voices .This singular factor makes the party the most popular political party in Zimbabwe as the electorate are currently interested in those who scratch where it itches .The electorate is not interested in what it considers to be abstract upper middle class pre occupation with ideologies but rather with political parties that promise bread on their tables whether or not both the tables or indeed the bread exists may be another issue altogether .Again the merits or demerits of the propensities or preferences of the electorate are not the subject of this article but the plain facts on the ground indicate the electorate’s affinity with “popular protest movements  for the next few years anyway .The M.D.C T ‘s propensity for theatrics can also be viewed as strength in the rough terrains of African politics .

I will continue with my critique of other political parties in subsequent articles .

MATABELELAND ISSUE -THE NEED FOR FRAMEWORK FOR ETHNIC RELATIONS

Ethnicity –The Matabeleland Issue and the Need For A FRAMEWORK ON ETHNIC RELATIONS

Dumisani O. Nkomo-Dumisani is the C.E.O  OF Habakkuk Trust and spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Consortium .He writes here in his personal capacity

Recently the Zimbabwean media has been awash with reports on various issues pertaining to Matabeleland and all indications are that in the post transition era the Matabeleland issue will take centre stage. Some groups have even gone to the extent of advocating for the total secession of Matabeleland from Zimbabwe and in the process have attracted widespread condemnation and criticism .I would like to argue that the emergence of radical groups in Matabeleland is not the problem but rather it is particular socio economic and political conditions which have led to calls for secession by these radical groups .It would not be prudent to merely react to symptoms of problems but rather to clearly identify the core structural  issues that have caused some Zimbabweans to think that they are not Zimbabweans  .I would also like to argue that though  the marginalization is real and can be empirically proved it is not enough for people from the region to merely moan and groan about the situation .Similarly if the economic and political superstructure fails to address this emerging problem we may find ourselves dealing with a multi faceted ,unmitigated crisis .It is therefore important to interrogate what  has been called the Matabeleland issue and to explore possible solutions in the national interest .

 Tribalization of Zimbawean Politics

The genesis of the Zimbabwean struggle for independence led by the early nationalists such as Benjamin Burombo, Joshua Nkomo, Jason Ziyaphapha Moyo, Clement Muchachi  ,Masotsha Ndlovu, Leopold Takawira and others was epitomized by a spirit of nationalism without regard to issues of ethnic origin. The advent of ZANU in 1964 by design or default led to the tribalization of Zimbabwean politics. Consequently by the time the country’s first majority rule elections were held tribalism had become a major factor in Zimbabwean politics. P.F ZAPU under Nkomo was viewed as a party for Ndebeles and ZANU P.F a party for the dominant Shona ethnic groups. This was in spite of the fact that the majority of P.F ZAPU ‘s leadership were actually Shona.Shona leaders in PF ZAPU included its first vice president vice president Josiah Chinamano , Amon Jirira ,Joseph Msika ,Daniel Nziramasanga , Ariston Chambati amongst many others .In spite of its cosmopolitan composition national outlook P.F ZAPU ‘s support was confined to Matabeleland ,parts of the Midlands and  a few areas in Mashonaland West . The tribalization of Zimbawean politics worked in favor of ZANU P.F for the first twenty years of independence but the consequences of this phenomenon have lasted to present day Zimbabwe. It has become accepted amongst political parties that Ndebeles and other ethnic minorities can only become vice presidents or deputy this or that. This has even taken root in civic formations and sporting associations where ethnic balancing has become  commonplace. There is even a common misconception that if anything is started in Matabeleland then it is tribal whether it is a political party, civic group or even a sports club. I look forward to the day when we will elect political leaders not because of their ethnic origin but their capacity to lead this great country whether they are Tonga ,Ndebele ,Ndau,Korekore ,coloured ,black ,white or blue

Underdevelopment of Matabeleland and the De-Industrialization of Bulawayo

Another factor that has led to increasing discontent in Matabeleland is the issue of gross under development of the region as a whole. This was accentuated by the Gukurahundi massacres which took Matabeleland back by another twenty years in terms of development. Under development has been manifest in the state of the region’s infrastructure including roads, schools, clinics, hospitals and dams .Some argue that even the racist regime of  Ian Smith did more for Matabeleland than the current regime.

Bulawayo which was the industrial hub of Zimbabwe in the seventies has literally become a ghost town in independent Zimbabwe. At independence the city housed headquarters of various parastatals including the National Railways of Zimbabwe and the Cold Storage Commission [now the Cold Storage Company]. After independence there was mass relocation of companies to Harare and only a few buildings were built in the city centre of Bulawayo. Even before the advent of the economic crisis in the 1990’s a large proportion of the populace in the region had already fled to neighboring South Africa as economic refugees.

Perhaps Minister of Industry and Commerce Professor Welshman Ncube was right when he argued that Matabeleland needs a robust financial sector headquartered in the region which would capitalize industry and commerce .Clamouring about de industrialization without considering viable alternatives would be naïve and immature  .

 In order to remedy the situation the government has to consistently and continuously ensure that the region has its fair share of the national cake through equitable budget allocation for capital projects.

Gukurahundi

The unresolved issue of Gukurahundi which saw the government butchering over 20,000 Matabeles is another outstanding issue which has been ignored for decades. If this issue is not attended to we might as well forget about national healing and talk about national dealing. This issue should be dealt with by an independent and credible Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission It must be borne in mind that the massacres led to the wholesale destruction of livelihoods, schools and other infrastructure and the mass displacement of thousands of people. Obviously individual compensation will not be possible from a pragmatic economic point of view but at least some form of affirmative action in terms of development of schools, clinics, roads and basic services should be put in place. Budgetary allocations should take into cognizance the historic marginalization of the region before and after independence. This should not be at the expense of other regions but should be done in the context of true national healing, development and shared national values and vision.

Language and History

The minister of education ,Senator David Coltart recently admitted that the deployment of non Ndebele teachers in Matabeleland was disadvantaging children from Matabeleland .There is need to look into this issue starting from the teachers who are enrolled at teachers colleges  to train in teaching Ndebele.Is the problem that of Ndebeles not wanting to enroll trainee teachers in Ndebele or is it a problem of deliberate marginalization .Additionally there is need to address the content of the history books which give an impression that Ndebeles played a peripheral role both in the 1 st Chimuranga  or Imfazo in Ndebele and the Liberation struggle .The role of ZIPRA ,ZAPU ,Nkomo are deliberately downplayed and there is no mention of Gukurahundi .Surely we cannot talk of a shared vision of the future when we do not have a shared past .Once again others may argue that maybe if Ndebeles do not write their own history no one else will ,this is something worth considering

Conclusion

I would like to conclude by saying the Matabeleland issue is not a tribal issue but an issue of national significance and consequence. I do not see the next generation of politicians from Matabeleland agreeing to be political concubines in political formations that reduce them to decorative ornaments that exist to balance ethnic equations neither do I see the people of Matabeleland continuing to keep silent about the wounds of Gukurahundi  .I propose the following in unlocking the Matabeleland Issue and broadly other issues relating to Ethnic Relations

Development of a framework to manage ethnic relations including so called minorities such as Tongas ,Nambyas ,Kalangas ,Ndaus ,Suthus,Vendas ,people of Malawain ,Zambian and Mozambiquan descent ,coloureds ,Asians and yes whites .All these people are part of Zimbabwe and many of them are proud citizens of this great nation .Minister for National Healing called it an Ethnic Relations Commission .Every Zimbabwean regardless of ethnic origin  needs to be assured that they have their space in the sky and should have a share of the pie [or what’s left of it ].Consideration should be also given to the fact that the Shona sub  groups including Zezuru ,Karanga,Korekore and Manyika should not be treated  as a monolith but as part of the rich ethnic depository of the nation .This should be done in a spirit of true national unity not the current mirage of smokescreen reconciliation and fake reconciliation based on lies .

-         The setting up of a Truth and Justice Commission to look into the Gukurahundi massacres [this could be a long term measure as realistically it may not be possible now].

-         Affirmative action in infrastructural and human development to recover the ten years that the region lost during the first ten years of independence.

-         A new constitution that devolves power to the country’s five regions in order to minimize uneven development and promote the use of local resources as well as enhancing local participation and ownership of decision making processes. This will contribute to a greater sense of nationhood because it is difficult to be proud of your community if you are not proud of your family neither can you be proud of your country if you are not proud of your village, city or region.

-         Constitutional provisions protecting all the country’s languages and cultures.

-         Declaration of Bulawayo as the commercial /industrial capital of Zimbabwe with commensurate government commitment to this status much in the same way as in South Africa Tshwane is the administrative capital, Johannesburg the industrial and commercial capital and Cape Town the legislative capital.

-         I will conclude by saying the Matabeleland issue is not a Ndebele issue or a tribal one for that matter .There is no virtue in being a Ndebele supremist in the same way that there is no virtue in being a Shona supremist  ,neither is there virtue in racism against whites in the same way that racism by whites is wrong .Let us not think that tribalism is right when we are the ones practicing it  The region is cosmopolitan in nature and houses over thirteen ethnic groups including Ndebele, Suthu, Nambya Kalanga, Tswana, Shona and Tonga. It is this ethnic diversity which makes Matabeleland unique together with the peculiar political, economic and social experiences it has undergone a special case.

-         Lastly people from Matabeland should become more assertive and pro active instead of being perpetual victims  and rid themselves[ourselves ] of victim mentality .Victims only attract sympathy but their conditions remain the same but victors take charge of their destiny .

Dumisani can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

WHY WE SHOULD NOT HAVE ELECTIONS THIS YEAR

Eleven Reasons Why We Should Not Have Elections This Year 

Dumisani O. Nkomo

Amendment 19 to the Zimbabwean constitution ,section 23  upholds and enshrines the right of every Zimbabwean political rights and more specifically  the right  to free and fair elections and referendums .The current conditions prevailing in the country make it impossible for a free and fair election to be held in the next twenty four months .Holding elections under the current conditions would be an infringement on the rights of Zimbabweans as envisaged and articulated by section 23[a],[b]and [[c]  of the country’s supreme law .Violence has found expression  in both overt and physical violence such as the recent outbreak of lawlessness in Harare as well as structural violence embedded in prohibitive laws and legislation .This has been accentuated by ZAN PF ‘s flagrant disregard of the Global Political agreement and the imperatives of institutional ,legislative and  constitutional reform .Furthermore Zimbabwe is miles away from meeting the requirements of the SADC GUIDELINES ON THE CONDUCT OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS which envisages amongst other things fair and balanced media coverage and the existence of conditions permissive to freedom of association and assembly ,adequate voter education and accessible ,up to date voters rolls .To this end I strongly believe that it is not only imprudent but also scandalous to hold   elections under conditions which are at variance with minimum requirements envisaged under instruments and frameworks such as the country’s constitution, the Global Political Agreement and the SADC GUIDELINES .Herein are eleven  reasons why I believe that elections should not be held this year .I am aware that there is no shortage of insanity in the country and prospects of such a plebiscite taking place are high considering ZANU P.F ‘s propensity for actions which are suicidal to the country’s well being .After all as Alexander Pope observed “Fools rush were angels fear to tread “and there are no prizes for guessing who the fools are in this case .

1.Violence and lawlessness-recent events in Harare and other parts of the country are indicative of the fact that the political climate is not conducive for the holding of  elections as ZANU PF militants ,rogue war vets elements ,misguided and brainwashed youths have gone on an organized ,confused and confusing orgy of organized violence .The Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission should investigate allegations of violence against ZANU PF in recent weeks as well as the conduct of the police in the recent mayhem which resulted in thousands of people being displaced .

2.Impartial police force –the police have displayed an unwillingness or incapacity to apply the law in a non partisan manner as evidenced by the manner in which they have arrested hordes of M.D.C supporters .Once again before here is any talk of any election the conduct of the police should be investigated by the relevant constitutional recourse structure in this case the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission [that is if it is operational ]]

3.Voters roll –It is the duty of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to ensure that the voters roll is accessible and up to date .It is alarming to note that according to independent investigations the voters roll is fraught with the name of infants ,toddlers and the dead .Before there is any talk of elections the voters roll should be cleaned up .Credit to M.D.C T  for writing to Z.E.C raising these issues .

4.Voter registration –the process of registering voter registration should be made voter friendly as the process has been made so ritualistic and religious in the Zimbabwean context with people being required to provide proof of residence ,a situation that has disadvantaged thousands of eligible youths .In other counties people can register using cell phones or the internet .We don’t have to make voter registration similar to appeasing ancestral spirits epitomized by endless protocol and rituals .

5.Voter Education –the  SADC GUIDELINES envisage sufficient voter education and the process has hardly begun possibly because nobody including  Z.E.C knows the official date for holding elections .There may also be resource constraints .

6.Balanced Public Media  and availability of alternative media –The public press is unashamedly campaigning for ZANU P.F and even if the media is opened up a month before the elections the damage would already been done as the former ruling party has been abusing the public media with shameless propaganda, endless party jingles epitomized by bootlicking party youths and posterior wagging Mbare Chimurenga Women ‘s group members . There is still no independent electronic media in Zimbabwe .

7.A credible well resourced electoral commission-admittedly amendment 19 creates a framework for  a fairly independent electoral commission .However Z.E.C is not currently well resourced as it’s chairperson intimated last year thus compromising the “efficiency ,efficacy and independence  of the commission .The amount allocated by minister Tendai  Biti under the current budget is barely enough to carry out an election with logistical precision and adequate institutional capacity .

8.Timeous Accreditation and Deployment of Regional and International Observers

This is critical in ensuring that there is confidence deposited in the electoral system and subsequent outcomes as  regional and international observers need to arrive in the country at least three months before the elections .Already some African countries have indicated that they cannot afford to be in Zimbabwe six months before the elections so three months would be a compromise time frame as most pre election violence and other antics are carried out three to six months before elections and in the last few months before elections ZANU PF loves putting on a good boy image in order to fool the international community .

9A new constitution

The Global Political Agreement is abundantly clear in stating that the G.N.U agreement would be reviewed after conclusion of the constitution making process and only then can we infer that elections could be held .Already the constitution making process is over a year behind schedule and chances of the process being concluded this year are increasingly becoming slim due to funding constraints .There should be a new constitution before elections are held .

10.Functionality of New Constitutional Structures and Systems

Even if the new constitution ushers in democratic institutions ,processes and rights all these instruments and structures will not be fully functional for at least a year .The Zimbabwe Media Commission ,the Zimbabwe Anti Corruption Commission and Z.E.C itself are examples of structures created by new constitutional amendments which have not actually begun to  function effectively .Based on these experiences it would be naïve and impractical to expect the constitutional dispensation envisaged in the new constitution to be  even partially functional when elections are held .Such institutions and or instruments are pertinent in enhancing the credibility  of electoral processes .

11.Guarantees for Transfer of Power

Unless there are inbuilt mechanisms and processes birthed by SADC and  the African Union on how power will be transferred if the incumbent is beaten [again]the elections will be a sheer waste of time and resources and we will have another disputed election in our hands  with shameless losers singing the familiar ”Handiende “[I am not going]tune

Mayibuye iZimbabwe

Dumisani is the chief executive officer of Habakkuk Trust and principal spokesperson of the MATABELELAND Civil Society Consortium .He writes here in his personal capacity .He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

M.D.C N WILL IT HAVE A POLITICAL IMPACT

Will the M.D.C- N  Change the Country’s Political Landscape-Critical Pitfalls and Factors

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

The recent ascendance of Professor Welshman Ncube to the presidency of the smaller M.D.C formation has been dismissed by some critics as a non-event and inconsequential .I would like to argue that in politics , “a day is like a thousand years and a thousand years like a day”, and as such to dismiss the M.D.C- N[ formerly M ]especially in the light of leadership renewal in that party would be foolish and dangerous .Whilst at a national level it is clear that Ncube’s M.D.C is unlikely to win a single seat outside Matabeleland or Midlands , the party is likely to have an impact on the electoral landscape for better or for worse .In the event of an election merely ten seats will be enough for the party to have a say once again in the political texture and indeed destiny of the next government .Importantly considerations must be made to the politics of Matabeleland which have evolved a lot since the last elections in 2008. Undoubtedly the Matabele vote, small as it is will be crucial in deciding who will make their road to state house or have a majority in parliament.

Political Objectives

Quite clearly the M.D.C-N has no intention of winning the elections if they are held in the next 18 months as they stand no chance of winning a national plebiscite in the near future .To think otherwise would be the worst case of self delusion as to all practical intents the party is unable and incapable of conquering the Mashonaland Provinces, Manicaland, Masvingo and most of Midlands. They  have realistically weighed their chances and positioned themselves to be the “king makers” of Zimbabwean politics assuming that neither M.D.C-T or the former ruling party ZANU PF fail to garner a majority .They have strategically decided to concentrate on where they stand the best chances of winning anything and that happens to be in Matabeleland .There are however numerous impediments ,constraints and pitfalls that the party will have to deal with if it is to have an impact on the Zimbabwean political landscape .I would like to preamble my argument by stating that an election held in the next 12 months could be genocidal  for M.D.C-N  as they could be buried in an electoral landslide .If the election is held 12 to 36 months later the M.D.C-N will definitely have time to  re-group ,re-strategize and have a huge impact on the electoral landscape especially in Matabeleland .They will be praying (and fasting) that during this time M.D.C-T commits gigantic blunders and scores one or two own goals whilst ZANU- PF continues to lose popularity. Failure to effectively re-strategize within this time frame will result in the party being literally obliterated from the political landscape just like what happened to the FORUM party of Zimbabwe along with its galaxy of “stars and political talents”.

The following internal weaknesses will militate against the M.D.C-N in its quest:

Disconnect With Masses/Grassroots

Whilst the M.D.C-N is blessed with abundant political talent, academic acumen and experience, this all counts for nothing in politics. After all ZANU PF reduced the country’s economy to a rubble in spite of the fact that they boasted of “one of the most brilliant cabinets in Africa in 1980” .The M.D.C-N‘s fatal flaw would be that it has disconnected with grassroots issues and dynamics .The fact that the party’s congress had 1,000 or 5,000  people (depending on whose statistics you use) counts for nothing as presence of party members at a congress do not necessarily reflect or translate into growth or increase in magnitude of any political party .The M.D.C-N has been pre-occupied with elitist politics which does not resonate with grassroots .They have failed to understand that whilst the middle class and upper class play a major role in the destiny of elections in Europe and America, in Africa it is the working class ,the peasantry and the informal sector that determine electoral and indeed political outcomes. Lately they have seized on such grassroots issues in Matabeleland but it may be a case of too little, too late.

Failure to Manage Perceptions of ZANU PF Alignment

The M.D.C -N formation has at times made strategic blunders by appearing to align itself with ZANU PF in the context of a polarized political environment. On a number of occasions their former President Professor Mutambara seemed to be Mugabe’s “praise singer” and at times the party appeared ambiguous about their position about ZANU PF .This was worsened by the fact that on a number of occasions M.D.C-N officials used the state media to lambast their M.D.C -T rivals, further adding credence to those who believed the party was a “ZANU P.F project”..To give an example Simba Makoni who was backed by the M.D.C-M in the 2008 elections committed a fatal error by failing to articulate his position about ZANU PF and as such was viewed by many as ZANU PF project .

FAILURE TO READ POLITICS

The M.D.C-N whilst blessed with abundant  talent seems to fail to read political events. That is, at times they  speak when they are supposed to refrain from speaking and refrain from speaking when they are supposed to speak. I would like to argue that if the M.DC-N wanted to attack the M.D.C-T they should have done so at the time when the split occurred .Instead they kept quiet and  were labeled as appendages of ZANU PF without putting up much of a fight .They ultimately lost the propaganda war and tried to win it years afterwards by starting on a fresh tirade of attacks against the M.D.C-T .Unfortunately in Zimbabwe’s highly polarized political environment such attacks have not translated to more support for the M.D.C-M /N but have been perceived by some as an attempt to split the vote and give ZANU PF an advantage .Whilst this may not be true the M.D.C-N does not seem to understand the difference between what they believe and what people perceive to be the truth. Their “holier than thou” approach to politics does not work in the rough terrains of African politics where there is little or no room at all for moderates .Moderates are often hit by traffic coming from both sides of the road which explains why their party has lost so many of its members to M.D.C-T, ZAPU and yes even ZANU PF [remember Fidelis Mhashu].

Intellectual/Moral Arrogance

Arrogance or perceptions of arrogance in politics can be very suicidal and unfortunately for the M.D.C-N whilst priding itself as a party of intellectuals projects itself as being arrogant .Some of the party’s leaders have poured scorn on Morgan Tsvangirai accusing him of being an “intellectual dwarf” conveniently forgetting that ZANU PF and their string of degrees both academic and those in violence ran the country down in spite of their so called intellectual stamina. Conversely Jacob Zuma ,the South African president who has little formal education not only outfoxed Thabo Mbeki in the battle for the leadership of the A.N.C but has also proved to be a competent leader presiding over one of the biggest economies in Africa .The tragedy of some academics and intellectuals is that their strength is their weakness  because  of the confidence they have in themselves they  end sacrificing relationships ,networks and the imperative of consultation .The tragedy of intellectuals is that they believe that they do not need anybody  else and can do it on their own but the reality of politics  is that, in the words of James Dobson, “people do not care about what you know but they want to know whether you care” .Many people would rather   choose one of their own and not somebody they do not identify with regardless of the persons experience or ability They want people who not only feel for them but those who feel with them and at times the M.D.C-N has lacked in this regard lacking the requisite social and political skills to walk with people rather choosing to walk ahead of people .

Weak Civil Society /Social Movement Linkages

The M.D.C N has weak linkages with labour, the student body, informal traders associations and church related groups .It however, has the increasing support of a lot of Matabeleland based cultural and social groups.

External Factors

Tribalization of Politics

The tribalization of Zimbabwean politics means that the party is viewed by people from outside Matabeleland as a regional outfit. However, ironically and paradoxically many people in the region of Matabeleland view the persecution of Ncube’s political ascent as an assault on the Ndebele people which could give currency and popularity to him.

Polarization

Politics in Zimbabwe has been dichotomized into those who support ZANU PF and those against it .Popularly M.D.C-T is seen as an embodiment of resistance to ZANU PF. This will militate against the M.D.C-N, at least at a national level.

The Electoral System

The “first past the post” system gives bigger parties such as ZANU PF and M.D.C-T an advantage at the expense of the M.D.C-N and ZAPU .The M.D.C-M could actually have won at least four to five seats more if proportional representation had been used in the last election.

THE ZAPU THREAT

The emergence of ZAPU could swing some votes and support away from M.D.C-N in Matabeleland .The two parties could find themselves “fishing from the same fish pond”.

Strengths

The Ncube Factor

Whilst many people view the ascendance of Welshman Ncube as an elitist transfer of power, nothing could be further from the truth as many people in Matabeleland region view this as a positive move. People in the region are now tired of being used as political ornaments to provide “ethnic décor to” national parties .People are asking themselves “is it wrong to have a Ndebele leader?”. The critical emerging issue in Matabeleland is no longer just removing Mugabe from power but what is in it for Matabeleland and these are the dynamics of the political season .The flurry of criticism against Ncube from the state and independent media has made him something of a hero to many people in Matabeleland. People love tragic figures or martyrs and the crucifixion of Ncube has given him fresh credibility and impetus .Whilst he is aloof ,uncharismatic  and appears to be cold and distant, a lot of people are beginning to believe in him because of all the hullaballoo about somebody from Matabeleland leading a national party. The common sentiment people in Matabeleland is why a party or even organization is labeled as regional just because it is led by somebody from Matabeleland.

Talent and Experience

The M.D.C-N has in its ranks talented politicians, experienced activists and academics .They need to translate this into political advantage through grassroots based strategies.

Consistency

The M.D.C- N has been fairly consistent in its positions about a wide variety of issues including the issue of the re-introduction of the senate (which led to the split of the party), the negotiated Kariba constitution and the need for full implementation of the G.P.A before elections.

As to whether they will have an effect, they definitely cause a shift in the country’s political terrain albeit minor or minute .If they fail to adapt to the political terrain and do not strategize on grassroots mobilization they will be relegated to the dustbin of history .

Dumisani Nkomo is the chief executive officer of Habakkuk Trust and spokesperson of the Matabeland Civil Society Consortium .He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

IS THE ZIMBAWEAN ISSUE RELEVANT INTERNATIONALLY

Is The Zimbabwean Issue Still Relevant Internationally ?

By Dumisani O Nkomo

The world media has been awash with news of the stolen elections in Ivory Coast ,the referendum on the issue of cessation of southern Sudan ,the standoff between North Korea and South Korea as well as the cholera epidemic in Haiti in the aftermath of the calamitous earthquake in that country .There is also the continued conflict in the Great Lakes  Region, the emerging crisis in Tunisia ,impending elections in Nigeria amongst a host of other international issues .Lately global attention has been captured by unprecedented floods in Australia and South Africa .Not to be forgotten  is the issue of Iran’s nuclear programme and the attention it has courted from Britain ,the United States ,Germany and France .The nature and scope of the issues at hand is varied ,complex and the ramifications have a global effect and impact .Zimbabwe and it’s governance problems risk being rendered irrelevant to the global agenda and that of international agencies such as the United Nations ,the African Union and regional bodies such as SADC . Problems relating to the implementation of the Global Political Agreement and elections may pale into significance when juxtaposed with other conflict situations  .Very soon global attention may shift to yet another political settlement in the Ivory Coast or  the delicate post referendum situation in Sudan which is the largest country in Africa .It is time Zimbabweans began locating the Zimbabwean situation in a global context or else risk total irrelevance .We as Zimbabweans need to be conscious of the fact that there are other trouble spots in the world and if anything the situation in our country may appear to be the proverbial “storm in a tea cup “in the global context .At times we suffer from the illusion or is it delusion that the world owes us something and has to do something about Mugabe and the “crisis,” stalemate “or logjam or whichever of the numerous adjectives and superlatives that have been used to describe the situation in Zimbabwe .

Zimbawean political parties especially the two M.D.C [off course there may be four M.D.C ‘s ]now and the revived ZAPU have to be alive to the competiveness ,speed and fluidity of global politics and attendant shifts in international power relations and  dynamics .It is pertinent but also imperative for political parties and progressive civil society to increase insight into the intricacies of global politics ,African diplomacy and foreign policy imperatives of critical continental and global players so as to positively influence  positioning of the African Union ,SADC and other players on issues pertaining to Zimbabwe .Importantly strategic thinkers within political and civic organizations need to  link Zimbabwean issues with regional ,continental and international contexts and processes .

The Tragedy of Comparatives

 I distinctly remember having an argument with a Professor from Siera Leone just after the 2000 elections on the state of affairs in Zimbabwe .The learned professor argued that there was no crisis in Zimbabwe as the country had good houses ,water ,roads and fairly good infrastructure .He compared Zimbabwe to some countries in west Africa which had shanty towns ,no running water and dilapidated infrastructure .It proved quite difficult  to quantify the level of suffering in Zimbabwe especially when the professor raised arguments about the genocides in Rwanda and Burundi ,the military dictatorships of west Africa ,the Somalian and Sudanes situations and the crisis in whole Great Lakes Region .Such are the challenges of comparatives as they weigh heavily against our case of gross human rights violation ,lawlessness ,structural violence ,organized state violence and repressive laws .Whilst we present our case of lawlessness and impunity we find ourselves contending with Somalia and the D.R.C where  the state virtual has no capacity to enforce the law and is dependent on the goodwill of its neighbours and the United Nations .

The situation in Ivory Coast where Laurent Gbagbo stole elections ZANU P.F style  and the referendum in Sudan have stolen the thunder from the Zimbabwean situation .African diplomacy in Ivory Coast appears to be more robust and effective given the aggressive stance taken by ECOWAS against the Gbagbo regime .This is in sharp contrast with the hands “off “Mugabe approach taken by SADC .Obviously the international community would then focus its diplomatic and multi lateral  energy towards solvable problems rather than seemingly intractable the and cyclical Zimbabwean situation .The question then becomes whether Zimbabwe will enjoy increased or increasing international attention ,pressure and diplomatic efforts at the expense of other trouble spots in the world .

What Moves The World

The world is moved by drama or rather in fact melodrama and a sense of the spectacular whether positive or disastrous and it may be difficult to prove comparatively that is that our situation is worse than that of Ivory Coast ,Sudan and North/South Korea ,Haiti or the Great Lakes Region .We must remember that SADC was jerked into action after Morgan Tsvangirai and his other colleagues were bludgeoned by the police .Besides threats of violence by Jabulani Sibanda and his cohorts ,arrests of journalists and official threats from securocrats there is nothing to substantially compare to the other contexts mentioned before .

The Zimbabwean situation is further complicated by the fact that the country boasts of one of the most sophisticated dictatorships modeled around Mafia style organized political gangsters presided over by a cabal of educated thugs masquerading as our liberators .This coterie  has blended blunt political violence through rogue war veterans and party militia with an advanced form of later day black colonial repression  which whilst purporting to have set the people free from colonialism actually has them in bondage to a system which changed the colour of the oppressor but retained the repressive laws which govern the masses .It is thus difficult to measure and project a lot of the structural violence perpetrated by the regime unlike in other countries were the violence is overt and measurable .This of course excludes Gukurahundi which saw the government slaughtering over 30,000 Matabeles and the violence of 2000 and 2008 .

Food for thought

Dumisani Nkomo is the chief executive officer of Habakkuk Trust and principal spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Consortium

Dumisani can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

CIVIL SOCIETY -PART OF THE PROBLEM OR PART OF THE SOLUTION?

Is Civil Society part of the problem or part of the solution?

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

A number of people who have read my articles have challenged me on the role that Civil Society plays or should play or is  failing to play in nation building. Civil Society Organizations by their nature play a critical role in influencing policy generation, public accountability, sustainable development and civic awareness. However in spite of the mushrooming of literally thousands of civic groups throughout the country we need to ask ourselves whether there has been a corresponding impact resulting in increased democratization and social transformation. I will attempt to write this article in the first person plural in order to engender a sense of collective responsibility having been a civic activist and practitioner for over 15 years.

We as civil society have distinguished ourselves as masters of reaction and issue inertia as we seem to be in the same place where we were in ten years ago. The main brief of C.SO’s has become that of responding to ZANU P.F, Mugabe and human rights violations. We continue to address the same issues we were addressing ten years ago using the same methods but expecting different results. Civil society actions have become so predictable such that I wonder whether serious people still take us seriously We continue to be fat on description and thin on prescription, we continue majoring on what ZANU P.F and Mugabe do and not on what we can and should do. The typical civil society conference is likely to come up with resolutions to condemn violence, issue a press statement, form a steering committee, meet the SADC mediator or the principals, hold an all stakeholders conference and the like. Yes this is what we do as C.S.O‘s and most of the resolutions are correct but what we lack is the requisite strategy to get to the desired goals. The result of this poverty of fresh strategies is that we continue to describe the problem without the faintest clue on what should be done about it. Our role has been reduced to documenting human rights violations instead of stopping them. Our advocacy consists of verbose and long winded press statements lambasting the government and endless all stakeholders meetings, scenario planning meetings, regional consultative meetings and about three to four trips to SADC, the A.U and one or two European countries.

Our definition of civic education in rural areas is targetted workshops focusing on known activists in Bulawayo City, Gwanda Municipality, Mutare, Gweru urban and Marondera town. Our work with remote rural communities is scant and ineffective. Our programming in civic education and citizen participation wrongly premised on “hit and run activities” with no long term impact or effect and yet we expect things to change. Yes we continue on our predictable path of doing the same things the same way and expecting different results and being disappointed when we get the same results. Yes we as civil society are part of the problem but we can be part of the solution and we are part of the solution.

Some of the reasons why we have not been effective as civic organizations include the following:

1. Many civic organizations have become appendages of political parties. Instead of agenda setting we have agendas set by political parties and supporting partners,

2. Failure to influence donor trends and priorities,

3. Failure to read international politics – for example a simple thing such as what did the change of government in the United Kingdom entail for Zimbabwe? Instead our approach is business as usual without due regard to possibilities of shift in foreign policy,

4. Competition for constituencies and turf especially in urban areas,

5. Competition for scarce resources resulting in 90% of the C.S.O’s spending 80% of their time looking for resources and getting 20% of the resources and spending 10 % of their time implementing projects and the remainder of the time accounting for funds, writing reports etc. The core business of C.S.Os has become resource mobilization and not programme implementation and this is no fault of civic organizations because times are tough,

6. Skills flight leading to weak institutional memory and capacity,

7. Lack of institutional funding leading to organizations having huge programmes run by weak institutions and Zimbabwe needs strong democratic institutions,

8. The mushrooming of so many C.S.O‘s is a problem in itself,

9. Lack of personal safety for C.S.O operatives, high stress levels and absence of job security resulting in skills flight, fatigue, diminishing returns and in effectiveness,

10. Poor co-ordination of so called umbrella organizations which receive a lot of basket funding which rarely trickles down to member organizations in the form of services or capacity enhancement.

There are four key factors that are the foundation to the effectiveness of civil society and its agenda of agenda setting and these are:

1. The need for visionary civil society leaders and organizations. There are already numerous vision documents that have been produced by the church and civil society which are gathering dust because of our propensity of abandoning our vision and chasing whatever new issues crop up. These vision documents include “The Zimbabwe We Want” produced by the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe, the Catholic Bishops Conference and the Zimbabwe Council of Churches. Other documents include the “Democracy Charter” and other civil society blueprints which are rapidly becoming yellow prints because they are gathering dust in some God forsaken cabinet. Vision will enable us to set the pace, to identify what is priority and to define and set the agenda in terms of the broad social, economic and political issues that need to be addressed.

2. Developing value systems – most civic groups are founded upon fundamental belief systems, ideologies, worldviews, philosophies or value systems. Unfortunately most civic groups are no longer driven by what they believe to be right but whatever can bring in the most donor funding or resources. Civic groups should be able to challenge political parties, public institutions and officials on the basis of values not personalities, inclinations or political affiliations. We should be able condemn ZANU PF when it does wrong and M.D.C – T, M.D.C or ZAPU when they do wrong but instead we tend to take sides with individual parties or interests outside of our value systems. This has eroded the credibility of C.S.O‘s and their capacity or ability to influence political, legislative and development processes and agendas.

3. Developing Relevant and Effective Intervention strategies – civil society organizations need to develop value adding, relevant and sustainable intervention strategies based on local experiences but also informed by global perspectives and best practices. Models which need to be reviewed include advocacy and lobbying models, peace building packages, civic awareness projects and concepts of community development. Some text book interventions and methodologies lifted from some professor’s book in America or Europe may not work in our context and civil society needs to begin to challenge concepts and models that do not work in our context. There is need for homegrown approaches to peace-building, advocacy and civic awareness.

4. Building alternative funding and resource generation models – donor funding can be very useful if used efficiently to resource sustainable initiatives which build the capacity of both the community and the organization that implements the programme. However if wrongly applied it could result in wastage of resources on high cost and low impact short term projects which are impressive for donors but do not contribute in any way to  long term democratization and transformation. Civic groups need to explore alternative funding models that tap into partnerships with corporates that benefit from advocacy activities of civics. This can only be possible in the medium to long term as the economy is in distress at the moment. I have discovered that smaller, under -funded organizations tend to do better than huge organizations which are thin on ideas, creativity and flexibility. Somehow they have ways of quickly mobilizing resources for effective community led interventions.

More practical activities include:

1.       Focus on grassroots civic education which will remove the culture of panic reaction to elections, constitution making or budget making as communities would already have soft skills to participate in such processes. Contrary to last minute obsession with elections and voter education a few months before elections which has been the case for the past ten years. Imagine if we had focused on these long term interventions for the past ten years instead of the so called high impact short term projects which if cumulatively measured do not have the effect of transforming communities? Do we honestly think for example that the road show or one workshop will change the mindset of a rural woman or man who has known nothing but repression since birth? Development partners need to also involve implementing partners when they develop country strategies or priorities not just for window dressing or political purposes but so that they can have value for money through smart funding.

2.       Partnerships with broader civil society such as academic institutions who can play a major role in research and development which can undergird the programming of civic organizations.

3.       Focusing on things that we can do and not setting impossible goals that we cannot attain as Steve Covey prescribes when unpacking his theory of “circle of influence and circle of concern” in his bestselling book: The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People. In this way we will be more effective

Civil society organizations can certainly be part of the solution because together we can make it “Mayibuye iZimbabwe “

Dumisani is the chief executive officer of Habakkuk Trust and principal spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Consortium

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HAS THE G.N.U FAILED

Has the G.N.U FAILED –“FACTS, LIES AND THE TRUTH “-By Dumisani O. Nkomo

Two years ago the Government of National Unity (GNU) or the Inclusive government was set up on the basis of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) .The agreement came about as a result of inconclusive elections which had seen President Robert Mugabe being beaten by Morgan Tsvangirai and ZANU PF losing its parliamentary majority to the two M.D.C formations. The GNU and its implementation framework achieved a number of things for all the three political parties and the people of Zimbabwe as a whole However, two years later ZANU-PF and President Mugabe claim the Inclusive government has failed. This is in spite of the fact that the agreement and its attendant governance structure-the GNU- gave Mugabe legitimacy and the people of Zimbabwe room to breathe in a much better economic environment .Has the government of National Unity failed? Who says it has failed and why? What indicators can we use to measure its success or failure? Why does ZANU PF or Mugabe want the inclusive government to come to an end? .I would like to argue that an end of the inclusive government may bring us back to the pre-2008 days and we may be back to another inconclusive election or disputed election .A quick fix election and a pre-mature end of the GNU together with the GPA may not be a step forward but rather may see us moving around in circles rather than moving forward The GNU can only be judged according to the framework that created it which is the GPA. Pertinently there are over 27 areas of the GPA which the GNU has failed to implement. This article primarily focuses on the successes and failures of the GNU as envisioned and anticipated in the GPA

What ZANU PF WANTED FROM THE GNU

Mugabe and ZANU-PF needed three things from the GNU and these included but are not limited to:

1. Legitimacy

2. Time to retreat, re organize whilst allowing the two main MDC‘s to deal with the harder issues of reviving the government and getting the government to work again

3. Removal of sanctions /restrictive measures or whatever one chooses to call them

The GNU however has frustrated ZANU-PF in the following ways:

1. It has forced them on the path of fundamental democratic reforms- a concept that they are quite alien to.

2. It forced Mugabe to be more accountable to the other GPA Partners although he routinely ignores them .Surprisingly he has been more than keen to consult the other principals about the Welshman Ncube –Mutambara saga

3. It has limited their access to state resources

The two MDC‘s strategic objectives were to gain access to the levers of power ,to influence the economic and political direction of the country through fundamental democratic reforms .The MDC formations have not totally achieved these objectives as power has continued to be vested in ZANU-PF and president Mugabe as evidenced by his unilateral appointments of ambassadors ,governors .The MDC formations have managed to provide stability in the government through their control of critical social and economic ministries .It must be remembered that when the GNU was created the economy has literally been decimated by ZANU PF and schools had been closed for long periods of time .Whilst the MDC formations were religiously implementing most of the term of the GPA ,ZANU-P.F was nicodemously  rebuilding its structures and doing all it could to make sure the agreement failed and worked for as long as it gave the party space to re-organize .This is not to say that all MDC ministers are angels or paragons of virtue and all ZANU-PF ministers are devils and demons but ZANU-PF ministers represent and are part of an evil and mafia like system whilst the two MDC formations purport to be part of a system that is epitomized by democracy(whatever that is).

Stumbling blocks against GPA Goals

If we were to use measurable and verifiable indicators to measure the Inclusive Government’s success or failure rate the GPA is the most useful barometer to use. Obviously there were many intrinsic and extrinsic factors that influenced failure or ability to implement the GPA. Amongst these factors are:

1. Political will or lack thereof from the three political parties

2. Ineffectiveness of the GPA in implementation and lack of oversight structures.

3. Mechanisms such as SADC and the AU and the Facilitator, that is, South Africa as envisaged in article 22.6

Achievements –Economic Policies

The GNU has managed to bring sanity to the economy through the Short Term Emergency Recovery Programmes –STERP I AND STERP 2 which have managed to address issues pertaining to runaway inflation and economic instability Basic commodities such as bread ,milk ,mealie meal are now readily available even though the country’s supermarket have been flooded with foreign products to the detriment of locally produced goods .However four years ago the situation was completely different as it was not difficult not only to get relish for sadza but even to get sadza for the relish .The inclusive government must be commended for this .

The inclusive government was yet to effectively conclude the setting up of the National Economic Council which is supposed to consist of representatives of the parties,the manufacturing sector ,commerce ,finance ,labour ,academia and other stakeholders (Article 3 c of G.P.A)

STERP AS INDICATOR OF SUCCESS /FAILURE

The Inclusive Government’s economic policy-STERP appears to have been rather over ambitious in that it sought to solve a broad spectrum of socio –economic and political issues such as:

Political and governance issues

Social protection-food, health education and vulnerable sectors

Economic stabilization including capacity utilization in all sectors (rather ambitious), restoring the value of the currency, ensuring availability of basic commodities

And rehabilitation of collapsed social, health and education sector (2011 National Budget Statement)

To all intents and purposes however the economy was beginning to show some signs of life with investors showing interest in the country. However, until  ZANU-PF went on its usual path of economic suicide by tabling controversial indigenization laws, demanding elections, engaging in an organized  and confusing fresh spate of invasions and violence in and around Harare .

Failures of the Inclusive Government

The Inclusive Government failed to implement the following aspects of its own bible the GPA:

a) The constitution making process as articulated in article 6 missed all its targetted deadlines and was characterized by intimidation, disorganization and chaos.

b) Promotion of equality, national healing, cohesion and unity- besides setting up a structure and a secretariat of the organ which has failed to work.

c) Free political activity –war veterans, ZANU-PF youths continue to disrupt free political activity as evidenced by the mayhem in Harare.

d) Rule of law ,respect for the constitution and other laws –the police have applied the law selectively and have stood by as ZANU-PF youths engaged in looting and violence in Harare .The police instead as evidenced by Commissioner General Chihuri’s statements on Zimbabwe Broadcasting .Corporation(ZBC) or is it  Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings (ZBH), that they have taken sides with the perpetrators and arrested victims .

e) State organs such as the police and the army have failed to be impartial with senior officers openly siding with ZANU-PF and declaring that change in Zimbabwe cannot be brought about by a mere pen (in reference to voting /elections) .The GPA is abundantly clear in stating that state organs and institutions do not belong to any party and should be impartial in the discharge of their duties (Article 13:1). Also, Impartiality and neutrality of traditional leaders(article 14) has been lacking. In fact the traditional leaders openly stated their support for Mugabe and ZANU-PF at the their conference

f) Sanctions and measures (article 4)-there has been failure to conclusively deal with this issue

g) Article 5- an independent land audit was supposed to have been conducted

h). Article 28-Security of persons and prevention of violence –Jabulani Sibanda ,Douglas Nyikayaramba and their acolytes have become “apostles and harbingers” of violence without any attempt by law enforcement agents to bring them to book. To this end, there was no security of persons in the constitutional outreach programme and in parts of Harare and its environs which have been engulfed in violence.

i) Article 29- Freedom of expression and communication – airwaves have not been freed and licenses have not been given to independent broadcasters. ZANU-PF has continued to abuse the public media with ZBH and the state newspapers literally becoming the public relations arm of the former ruling party

FRAMEWORK AND FUNCTIONING OF THE GNU

In terms of the agreement the president is supposed to make all key appointments “in consultation with the other signatories of the GNU”. However, Provincial Governors, the Attorney General and Ambassadors have all been unilaterally appointed.

Implementation Mechanisms

The Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC) which is supposed to ensure the “full implementation of the G.P.A” has largely been a paper tiger .JOMIC cannot be blamed for this, as this is more of a structural defect in that one can hardly hope to bring one’s principals to account.

The agreement also envisages SADC, the AU and the facilitator to “guarantee and underwrite the GPA”. Instead of underwriting the agreement they seem to have undertaken for it and making sure that it is ready for the mortuary and its  subsequent burial .Frankly in spite of all these well documented failures to implement the agreement, SADC has failed to play its part .

Conclusion

The failure of the inclusive government are predicated on the above mentioned facts but importantly the role of  implementation mechanisms have played a large part in the lack of efficacy in implementing the GPA. ZANU-PF and its principal have acted as if there was no agreement, whilst SADC, the AU and South Africa as the guarantors of the GPA have failed to play their role .The GPA on paper provides a reasonable roadmap to democratization, growing economy, free and fair elections. However, it is the political will that is lacking on the part of ZANU-P.F and the guarantors of the covenant. Civil society, opposition parties and the International Community should continue to play a major role in ensuring that the GPA partners are accountable for what they put on paper. By the way it is interesting to point out that that the GPA states that the “agreement and the relationship agreed to hereunder” and I infer that the relationship is the framework of the GNU will be “reviewed at the conclusion of the constitution making process”.

Dumisani Nkomo is the Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust and principal spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Consortium. He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com