Monday, 10 September 2012

Electoral Pacts Imperative


Election Pacts Inevitable and imperative

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

The harmonized election to be held next year presents Zimbabweans with a unique opportunity of once and for all confining ZANU P.F.  and its leadership to the dustbin of history. However as I have always consistently argued, it is not just about removing Mugabe and ZANU P.F. but rather removing a system and a political culture that have brought the country to its knees through official political gangsterism and  a  rogue “vampire state” that has devoured its citizens .Critically it would be naive at best and suicidal at best for any one political party to think that they can achieve electoral success without support from other political players. Whilst the M.D.C T arguably remains the biggest threat to Robert  Mugabe and ZANU P.F.  if we are to read from the script of the last election, the resurgence of Welshman  Ncube’s M.D.C especially in Matabeleland and parts of Midlands can only be ignored at great peril. Likewise the possibility of Dabengwa’s ZAPU stealing some ZANU P.F votes in ZANU P.F strongholds  remains a positive for the broader progressive movement. Admittedly both Simba Makoni ‘s Mavambo Kusile Dawn and Dabengwa’s ZAPU seem to have almost faded into political oblivion but as the late Professor Masiphula Sithole used to declare “all things are possible in politics and religion”. In this vein I would like to argue that  electoral pacts or alliances are likely to be formed or rather should be formed in order to ensure that Robert Mugabe’s ZANU P.F is defeated. Outside of this we may wake up to the shock ,trepidation and trauma of yet another ZANU P.F victory this time even without  recourse to  violence but due to the fragmentation of contesting political parties.

M.D.C and ZAPU

In my humble opinion ZAPU led by Dabengwa and Ncube’s  M.D.C  will need to form an electoral alliance since they are likely to fish from the same proverbial pond .They are likely to draw a lot of their support from the Matabeleland and Midlands. However Ncube’s M.D.C appears to have an upper hand since it also appeals to the younger generation  with its Information savvy strategies and multi faceted stakeholder engagement approach. ZAPU is likely to appeal to the older generation of former ZAPU supporters and disgruntled ZANU P.F supporters who may consider a move to any of the  M.D.C’s radical. The two parties may also converge ideologically as both propound the principle of devolution of power voraciously and seem to be assertive and about issues pertaining to Matabeleland. They are thus likely to find common ground because of this and may decide to form an alliance against ZANU P.F and the M.D.C T in order to preserve Matabeleland representation .To all intents and purposes neither are likely to win any seats outside Matabeleland and neither is likely to win a presidential election. However both will be critical in producing a president  as the M.D.C  T may need the  5 % to 10 % difference to win the presidential elections .If the Freedom House survey is anything to go by they will definitely need every vote due to ZANU P.F ‘s ascendancy. Fringe parties such as Siwela’s M.L.F and other small parties should not be ignored in the equation as they may not have much in terms of votes but their voice is critical in backing a common candidate or common candidates .

M.D.C –T and ZANU NDONGA

This alliance is likely to be formalized as there are already indications that the M.D.C –T is courting ZANU Ndonga .However the M.D.C –T is quite established in the former ZANU Ndonga strongholds of Chipinge but may just need to make sure with a strategic alliance with the late Rev Ndabaningi Sithole’s party which once created a an impenetrable fotress in Chipinge .This alliance is important for the M.D.C –T but  will not make any significant change on the electoral landscape .

M.D.C T  and M.D.C

An alliance between these two parties is absolutely essential and the absence of such an arrangement could be suicidal to both as ZANU P.F will benefit from a divided M.D.C votes ..Such an electoral alliance may take the shape of the two parties agreeing on who to field as council  and parliamentary candidates and fielding one presidential candidate. They should then identify the best candidates to stand at ward, constituency and senatorial level  and even consider able and competent people who may not be part of their parties but who may have the credentials to make good legislators. Whilst this is the most desirable scenario it will be scuttled by the stampede for parliamentary seats and the desire to prove who the boss is. Paradoxically the key to this electoral alliance depends on the political will of politicians from Matabeleland as they stand to gain or lose more than politicians in other parts of the country. This is because Matabeleland will be the most heavily contested region with M.D.C.-T ,M.D.C ,Z.A.N.U P.F and ZAPU staking a strong claim on the region unlike in other parts of the country where it may be a two horse contest between M.D.C T and ZANU P.F .

Presidential Elections

To be true to reality either ZANU P.F.  or the M.D.C –T are most likely to produce a president in the next elections but  the M.D.C led by Ncube may play a critical role in king making or deciding who becomes president since they may garner up to 10 % of the vote .It will then become necessary for the M.D.C T to negotiate with the M.D.C  now or risk an egg in the face after a  ZANU P.F electoral victory in the presidential or even parliamentary elections.

Parliament

The chances of a hung parliament or a parliament in which no political party has a majority is quite high with a possibility of the both ZANU P.F and M.D.C T requiring the support of the M.D.C led by Ncube. Although it is still possible for the M.D.C T to win a substantial number of votes and seats they would rather exercise wisdom and caution than throw caution to the wind and go it alone as this is probably their last chance of winning an election .The M.D.C led by Ncube has the luxury of potentially holding the deciding vote both in the presidential and parliamentary elections with an expected better showing in Matabeleland than in the previous election .Whilst Ncube may be a good presidential candidate and be of the right presidential material he is unlikely to win the presidential elections in 2013. Morgan Tsvangirai on the other hand will not win the election with a clear majority without the support of Welshman Ncube  and it becomes natural and practical in the best interests of the nation for the two to establish an election pact. If they do not do this both will lose but the biggest losers will be the people of Zimbabwe .

 

 

An election pact or alliance between the  two main M.D.C formation thus becomes an imperative which neither party can ignore. The situation on the ground ,history and past political behaviour seem to conspire against an electoral alliance or pact. This is evident is strategic blunders made by both M.D.C  formations. The most divisive issue will be the issue of  the recognition or lack of recognition of Welshman Ncube as principal by both ZANU P.F and the M.D.C –T . On the other hand the public haranguing of the Morgan Tsvangirai and the M.D.C –T by the M.D.C [Ncube ] has not helped issues. The two M.D C formations have formed a healthy alliance in the constitution making process although at times they failed to contain ZANU P.F and the two parties could build on this. They would need to translate their informal collective resistance to ZANU P.F. in the constitution making process to an active and pro-active electoral alliance against ZANU P.F .

Whatever the case is it would not be in the interest of Zimbabweans and indeed the interests of the M.D.C formations and ZAPU to enter the elections as a divided force as this could result in an election victory for Mugabe and ZANU P.F and several decades more “economic  and political purgatory for the people of Zimbabwe .

An electoral pact will inspire public confidence and faith in the elections as the possibility of change of government will be a certain reality given a broad based electoral alliance.

Dumisani. O. Nkomo is the Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust, Principal Spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Forum. He writes here in his personal capacity. He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail or follow him on his blog dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com

 

 

Tuesday, 15 May 2012

Dumisani O Nkomo: Weak Opposition Parties and Civil Society

Dumisani O Nkomo: Weak Opposition Parties and Civil Society: The Role of Civil Society In The   Face of Weak Opposition A Case Study of Zimbabwe A Paper Presented By Dumisani O. Nkomo ...

Weak Opposition Parties and Civil Society


The Role of Civil Society In The  Face of Weak Opposition

A Case Study of Zimbabwe



A Paper Presented By Dumisani O. Nkomo



Habakkuk Trust C.E.O

At

The Civil Society and Political Trends  Seminar

M.S.T.C.D.C  , Arusha ,Tanzania

14 May 2012


Blog-www.dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com

dumienkomo@twitter.com



































Executive Summary

This paper seeks to provide an overview of the role of civil society in the context of weak opposition parties with Zimbabwe as a case study .This discussion paper is located in the context of the rapid evolution and metamorphosis of civil society in Africa ,the changing political landscape and a complex  global socio economic and technological architecture .The discussion paper will provide an outline of the  theoretic framework of the functions and objects of civil society ,the functions and objects of political parties and the conditions within which civil society is located in continentally and more specifically in Zimbabwe .

Pertinently the Zimbabwean experience is a useful case study because of the incremental but phenomenal development of civil society in Zimbabwe in a very restrictive operational environment epitomized by repressive legislation ,polarization and a background of intense conflict and violence .Importantly the role of civil society must be viewed in a historical and futuristic context  with strategic  perspectives  with the  benefit of hindsight and strategic glimpses into the future using the lens of critical analysis and reflection.

Post Independent Africa

Post independent Africa has experienced the phenomena of  one party rule  characterized by the emergence of “strong men “ most of whom where the darlings of the post colonial struggle for independence .The one party ,one leader concept was warmly embraced in Tanzania ,Uganda ,Zimbabwe ,Angola ,Mozambique ,Malawi ,Zambia ,Kenya amongst other countries .Critically military strongmen emerged in countries such as Ghana ,Nigeria  ,Equatorial Guinea and Uganda .These post independent regimes created a culture of monolithic ,monopolistic  and dictatorial political systems epicentred around powerful political parties and enigmatic leaders .Political plurality was at best frowned upon and at worst ruthlessly crushed .The growth of opposition parties and civil society was thus stunted  in most of independent Africa .This was accentuated by the perpetuation of the colonial legacy of repressive legislation that criminalized freedom of expression ,association and assembly .Opponents of the new regimes were ruthlessly crushed and public space for informed dissent and engagement severely limited .It is in this historical context that opposition political parties emerged and evolved in post independent Africa .

Context and Typography of  States

Civil Society organizations and opposition parties most often occupy similar spaces in the public domain although they exist for different reasons .Political parties exist to acquire ,secure and retain power .Civil society exists  to influence power so that voices of marginalized communities are amplified and the interests of various societal sectors such as women ,youths ,informal traders  are clearly articulated .

Failed States

Countries such as Somalia are largely failed stated epitomized by a  collapsed governance system ,inability of the nation state to protect itself from internal and external threats and congenital incapacity to deliver basic services .



Post Conflict States

Critically countries such as Kenya are typical examples of  nation states that have experienced intense conflict and violence in the context of election contestation and are currently transitioning to full democracy through transitional justice ,constitutional review and fresh electoral processes .Arguably Lesotho and Zimbabwe fall under a similar bracket of transitioning nation states whose political destiny may either be abortive or affirmative .The context and conditions of civil society and conditions has thus been intoxicated with post conflict contestations for political power .In Zimbabwe ,Madagascar and Kenya inclusive governments exist due to the failure of opposition parties to win the presidential and legislative elections .The governments in these countries are a result of disputed elections preceded by organized political violence and massive voting irregularities and manipulation of the electoral processes by incumbents .

Emerging Democracies

A number of countries have evolved into fairly robust democracies epitomized by democratic constitutions and institutions ,regular free and fair elections ,change of government and peaceful transfer of power .This has  been the case in Malawi ,Zambia ,Ghana  and Senegal where elections have resulted in regime change ,a term that has been criminalized in Zimbabwe but which is common and in fact best practise in the practise of democracy .Civil society and opposition parties are very strong in these countries and this could be attributed to the abundant space which is available due to factors such as a positive ,democratic culture and environments  as well as enabling legislation. It is critical to be cognisant of why opposition parties are strong in some countries and why they are weak in other countries in the same way that it is critical to understand and appreciate why civil society is strong in some countries and weak in others .Still in other counties civil society is strong but opposition parties are weak .

Democracy In One Party Context

Several counties have opened space to political pluralism ,citizen engagement ,adherence to human rights and democratic institutions but these countries  have  been ruled by the same parties in perpetuity since independence .Opposition parties could be said to be weak in these counties whilst civil society is fairly strong  whilst  incumbent ruling parties have adapted to democratic conditions and contexts to maintain power .This is the case in South Africa ,Botswana  ,Mozambique and Tanzania .These countries have been ruled by one party since independence and this could be attributable to factors such as internal democracy within these political institutions  and leadership renewal .South Africa has had three presidents  since independence in the nineties  namely  Nelson Mandela ,Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma .Botswana has had Sereste Khama ,Quett Masire ,Festus Mogae  and Ian Khama .

Political and Military Dictatorships

In these countries dictators have held on to power for more than two decades .Included in this bracket is Zimbabwe under Robert  Mugabe ,Uganda under Yoweri Museveni  and Angola under Dos Santos .In these counties the space for opposition parties has been severely limited and this has been compounded by internal structural weaknesses intrinsic to the design and architecture of opposition parties as well as prohibitive external factors created by  the dictatorial regimes .Civil society has however thrived in these difficult conditions and has actually offered alternatives leadership in most of these countries .In Zimbabwe sic election  and one constitutional referendum have been held since the year 2000 .Elections are held routinely and regularly but this proves that elections are not in themselves a reflection of democracy when the fundamentals of a participatory democracy characterized by imperatives such as media plurality, respect for fundamental rights and freedom of association and assembly  are not promoted .

Zimbabwe – Role of Civil  Society in the Face  of A Weak Opposition

After gaining independence in 1980 the ruling party ZANU P.F under Robert Mugabe  brutally eliminated the then major opposition party P.F ZAPU which was  led by the founding father of the country’s liberation struggle Dr Joshua Nkomo .In the ensuing power  struggle Prime Minister Robert Mugabe dispatched the notorious North Korean trained Fifth Brigade which was explicitly loyal to ZANU P.F and not the government . Between 1983 -1987 over twenty thousand people were slaughtered in Matabeleland,  the stronghold of Joshua Nkomo whilst hundreds of thousands were maimed ,displaced ,raped and forced into exile in neighbouring countries .Civil society at this time was very weak and the labour and student  movement were an extension of the government and the party .The only organization that played a critical role was the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace which documented the massacres in a report entitled “Breaking The Silence ,Building True Peace “ .The Catholic Bishops tried to engage Prime Minister Robert  Mugabe on the issue but  were dismissed as a “band of Jeremiahs “and Nkomo labelled a “snake “that needed to be destroyed .After five years of battering of the official opposition ,P.F ZAPU succumbed to ZANU P.F to save Matabeleland from total destruction and the two parties combined under a Unity Accord to form one Party “ Zanu P.F” under the leadership of Mugabe .The violent conduct Mugabe was insulated by the politics of the Cold War since Nkomo was an ally of Russia and Mugabe was a darling of the west at that time .

Post 1990

In the post unity accord era the government sought to cement the one party system but at this time civil society began to emerge as a critical voice mainly through the students movement at the University of Zimbabwe led by Arthur Mutambara and Enoch Chigweje [now Munyaradzi Gwisai ].Academics from the universities also became increasingly critical of the government leading to the formation of the academics -led Forum party of Zimbabwe with retired Chief Justice Dumbuchena  as its leader .The party was however too elitist and  was easily defeated by ZANU .P.F .Later the Zimbabwe Unity Movement was formed by maverick politician Edgar Tekere ,a former ZANU P.F stalwart but once again it was easily defeated by ZANU P.F .

The Genesis of  Strong Civil Society

By 1998 the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions led by its president Gibson Sibanda and Secretary General Morgan Tsvangirai had become a huge voice for the workers struggling under the effects of the World Bank imposed the Structural Adjustment Programme ,corruption and poor economic policies .In 1998 the labour movement organized a strike that paralyzed the entire nation .Later on in the capital Harare food protests broke out and regime change seemed imminent .Civil society was virtually leading the democratic process in the absence of a viable opposition.

The National Constitutional Assembly then emerged under the auspices of the Zimbabwe Council of Churches which housed the secretariat. The demands of the National Constitutional Assembly were simple .A new people driven constitution to curb excessive presidential powers and legitimized dictatorship .The new civic body was the brainchild of activists such as Deprose Muchena ,Brian Kagoro and Twanda Mutasa but strategically they identified popular civic society leaders such as Morgan Tsvangirai,Welshman Ncube ,David  Coltart ,Lovemore Maduku,Janah Ncube and Tendai Biti  to be at the forefront of the constitutional body .Most of these leaders went on to form the country’s biggest opposition party ,the Movement For Democratic Change led by Tsvangirai with Ncube as Secretary general and  wide variety of student activists ,labour leaders  and academics s in the leadership of the new party .

In response to the emerging civil society and opposition tidal wave the government set up its own constitutional commission to gather people’s views on the new constitution .The constitution was subjected to a referendum and was rejected by the people .For the first time Robert Mugabe were defeated in a plebiscite .Mugabe reacted swiftly to this by unleashing war veterans on farms of white commercial farmers claiming that the revolution was about to be subverted by the M.D.C ,civil society ,the west and the whites .Over 200 people were killed during this time ,especially white commercial farmers and supporters of the opposition M.D.C .This was Mugabe’s preparation for the elections which followed were his party narrowly won the elections .At this time civil society and the opposition were at their  peak  .

However by 2006 the opposition MD.C had split into two formations with one led by Tsvangirai and the other by Arthur Mutambara .The M.D.C has subsequently fragmented into four  parties namely the M.D.C –T ,the M.D.C led by Ncube ,M.D.C 99 and M.D.C  -M .Interestingly though the divided opposition defeated Mugabe in the 2008 elections but failed to garner a majority in the first round .This was after election results were withheld for over three months by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. During this time opposition activists were locked up ,beaten and tortured resulting in the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai refusing to participate in the presidential run off with President Mugabe who subsequently “won: the one man race . In a  rare show of speed “the results “were announced within 24 hours and Mugabe was quickly sworn in as president .The government was however not recognized by SADC ,the regional body .Civil society played a critical role in documenting election and human rights violations ,civic participation ,information dissemination and regional and international advocacy resulting in the formation of an inclusive government comprising of the M.D.C T ,ZANU P.F  and the M.D.C  -M .A Global political Agreement as  the basis of the new power sharing agreement underwritten by SADC enshrining a transitional period epitomized by a new constitution making process ,national healing ,media plurality institutional reform and removal of sanctions /restrictive measures .

Operating Environment

The inclusive government has failed to implement at least 26 issues in the  global political agreement including media  and institutional reform .The constitution making process is almost complete whilst national healing and reconciliation was largely a window dressing and public relations exercise .The former opposition parties are still weak due politicization of state structures ,ZANU .P.F control of the military and restrictive legislation .Repressive legislation which remains in place includes the Public Order and Security Act ,the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Official  Secrets Act .Through its legislative and constitutional architecture the Mugabe regime created “legal “dictatorship backed by statutes and laws .

Why Is The Opposition Weak?

The opposition in Zimbabwe is weak because of the following reasons:

1.Fragmentation-there are over ten opposition parties with four M.D.C formations ,four Z.A.P.U. parties ,Mavambo/Kusile Dawn Party  and ZANU –Ndonga .At least another eight or so parties always emerge at election time

2.Lack of clear ideology

3.Lack of vision-premised on an emotional response to the Mugabe regime and economic environment and no properly thought out policies and vision beyond the “ Mugabe must go “mantra

4.Poor Leadership

5.Brutal state military ,intelligence and police superstructure

6.Limited space to campaign

7.Lack of media plurality

Civil society has somehow emerged stronger with creative coping mechanisms and this could be attributed to :

1.Dynamic change conscious leadership

2.Fluid networks and coalitions

3.Robust regional and international advocacy

5.Vibrant grassroots mobilization and advocacy

6.Responsiveness to changing political environment

Challenges’

1.Exodus of civil society leader to Diaspora

2.Recruitement of civic leader by inclusive government  resulting in some N.G.O ‘s having an identity crisis.

3.Polarization

4.Iregular funding

5.Restricted operational Space

6.Politicians from both ruling party and opposition threatened by growth of civil society organizations

7.Creation of counterfeit state aligned civic organizations

Positioning of Civil Society In Current Context and Beyond

Civil society has to clearly identify its role and mandate in this limited space and ensure that this space is protected and advanced .The following roles of Civil Society  need to be clearly articulated and promoted

1.Promotion of citizen participation in decision making processes

2.Local ,national ,regional and international advocacy on behalf of marginalized groups.

3.Public accountability

4.Policy research and monitoring

5.Conflict management and transformation

6.Election awareness and monitoring

7.Catalyzing community development

8.Complementing government initiatives were necessary

Broadly speaking the mandate of civil society id the pursuit of social ,economic ,political and ecological justice  and this is a profoundly political mandate which should be carried out in a non partisan manner .

Dilemmas

The biggest dilemma facing civil society is that of being confused with the opposition parties especially when there is confluence on certain issues e.g. constitution making .I submit that since country contexts and conditions differ civil society organizations have to make strategic decisions informed by their peculiar country contexts  as long as this does not compromise on organizational integrity and autonomy without detaining popular struggles for  democracy through spectartorship .Inevitably civil society will be accused of being partisan but civil society should not allow itself to be defined by “government propaganda but by their  principles ,visions ,values and missions

What Can Be Done

1.Civic groups need to develop clear ideologies ,belief systems and visionary frameworks

2.Developing civics into non partisan and yet un apologetically political entities .

3.Building solidarity ,linkages and coalitions at regional and global level

4.Explore new funding sustainable ,innovative funding paradigms and sources

5.Leadership d development and succession planning in civil society

6.Utilizing former civil society operatives and leaders who are now n government for information and space but maintaining non partisanship

Conclusion

I believe the Zimbabwean experience proffers opportunities for civil society to play a pa active role in the democratization  and transformation of nations even in the context of weak opposition  parties .



Asante!





 
Role of Civil Society In The  Face of Weak Opposition
A Case Study of Zimbabwe

A Paper Presented By Dumisani O. Nkomo

Habakkuk Trust C.E.O
At
The Civil Society and Political Trends  Seminar
M.S.T.C.D.C  , Arusha ,Tanzania
14 May 2012
Blog-www.dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com
dumienkomo@twitter.com

















Executive Summary
This paper seeks to provide an overview of the role of civil society in the context of weak opposition parties with Zimbabwe as a case study .This discussion paper is located in the context of the rapid evolution and metamorphosis of civil society in Africa ,the changing political landscape and a complex  global socio economic and technological architecture .The discussion paper will provide an outline of the  theoretic framework of the functions and objects of civil society ,the functions and objects of political parties and the conditions within which civil society is located in continentally and more specifically in Zimbabwe .
Pertinently the Zimbabwean experience is a useful case study because of the incremental but phenomenal development of civil society in Zimbabwe in a very restrictive operational environment epitomized by repressive legislation ,polarization and a background of intense conflict and violence .Importantly the role of civil society must be viewed in a historical and futuristic context  with strategic  perspectives  with the  benefit of hindsight and strategic glimpses into the future using the lens of critical analysis and reflection.
Post Independent Africa
Post independent Africa has experienced the phenomena of  one party rule  characterized by the emergence of “strong men “ most of whom where the darlings of the post colonial struggle for independence .The one party ,one leader concept was warmly embraced in Tanzania ,Uganda ,Zimbabwe ,Angola ,Mozambique ,Malawi ,Zambia ,Kenya amongst other countries .Critically military strongmen emerged in countries such as Ghana ,Nigeria  ,Equatorial Guinea and Uganda .These post independent regimes created a culture of monolithic ,monopolistic  and dictatorial political systems epicentred around powerful political parties and enigmatic leaders .Political plurality was at best frowned upon and at worst ruthlessly crushed .The growth of opposition parties and civil society was thus stunted  in most of independent Africa .This was accentuated by the perpetuation of the colonial legacy of repressive legislation that criminalized freedom of expression ,association and assembly .Opponents of the new regimes were ruthlessly crushed and public space for informed dissent and engagement severely limited .It is in this historical context that opposition political parties emerged and evolved in post independent Africa .
Context and Typography of  States
Civil Society organizations and opposition parties most often occupy similar spaces in the public domain although they exist for different reasons .Political parties exist to acquire ,secure and retain power .Civil society exists  to influence power so that voices of marginalized communities are amplified and the interests of various societal sectors such as women ,youths ,informal traders  are clearly articulated .
Failed States
Countries such as Somalia are largely failed stated epitomized by a  collapsed governance system ,inability of the nation state to protect itself from internal and external threats and congenital incapacity to deliver basic services .

Post Conflict States
Critically countries such as Kenya are typical examples of  nation states that have experienced intense conflict and violence in the context of election contestation and are currently transitioning to full democracy through transitional justice ,constitutional review and fresh electoral processes .Arguably Lesotho and Zimbabwe fall under a similar bracket of transitioning nation states whose political destiny may either be abortive or affirmative .The context and conditions of civil society and conditions has thus been intoxicated with post conflict contestations for political power .In Zimbabwe ,Madagascar and Kenya inclusive governments exist due to the failure of opposition parties to win the presidential and legislative elections .The governments in these countries are a result of disputed elections preceded by organized political violence and massive voting irregularities and manipulation of the electoral processes by incumbents .
Emerging Democracies
A number of countries have evolved into fairly robust democracies epitomized by democratic constitutions and institutions ,regular free and fair elections ,change of government and peaceful transfer of power .This has  been the case in Malawi ,Zambia ,Ghana  and Senegal where elections have resulted in regime change ,a term that has been criminalized in Zimbabwe but which is common and in fact best practise in the practise of democracy .Civil society and opposition parties are very strong in these countries and this could be attributed to the abundant space which is available due to factors such as a positive ,democratic culture and environments  as well as enabling legislation. It is critical to be cognisant of why opposition parties are strong in some countries and why they are weak in other countries in the same way that it is critical to understand and appreciate why civil society is strong in some countries and weak in others .Still in other counties civil society is strong but opposition parties are weak .
Democracy In One Party Context
Several counties have opened space to political pluralism ,citizen engagement ,adherence to human rights and democratic institutions but these countries  have  been ruled by the same parties in perpetuity since independence .Opposition parties could be said to be weak in these counties whilst civil society is fairly strong  whilst  incumbent ruling parties have adapted to democratic conditions and contexts to maintain power .This is the case in South Africa ,Botswana  ,Mozambique and Tanzania .These countries have been ruled by one party since independence and this could be attributable to factors such as internal democracy within these political institutions  and leadership renewal .South Africa has had three presidents  since independence in the nineties  namely  Nelson Mandela ,Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma .Botswana has had Sereste Khama ,Quett Masire ,Festus Mogae  and Ian Khama .
Political and Military Dictatorships
In these countries dictators have held on to power for more than two decades .Included in this bracket is Zimbabwe under Robert  Mugabe ,Uganda under Yoweri Museveni  and Angola under Dos Santos .In these counties the space for opposition parties has been severely limited and this has been compounded by internal structural weaknesses intrinsic to the design and architecture of opposition parties as well as prohibitive external factors created by  the dictatorial regimes .Civil society has however thrived in these difficult conditions and has actually offered alternatives leadership in most of these countries .In Zimbabwe sic election  and one constitutional referendum have been held since the year 2000 .Elections are held routinely and regularly but this proves that elections are not in themselves a reflection of democracy when the fundamentals of a participatory democracy characterized by imperatives such as media plurality, respect for fundamental rights and freedom of association and assembly  are not promoted .
Zimbabwe – Role of Civil  Society in the Face  of A Weak Opposition
After gaining independence in 1980 the ruling party ZANU P.F under Robert Mugabe  brutally eliminated the then major opposition party P.F ZAPU which was  led by the founding father of the country’s liberation struggle Dr Joshua Nkomo .In the ensuing power  struggle Prime Minister Robert Mugabe dispatched the notorious North Korean trained Fifth Brigade which was explicitly loyal to ZANU P.F and not the government . Between 1983 -1987 over twenty thousand people were slaughtered in Matabeleland,  the stronghold of Joshua Nkomo whilst hundreds of thousands were maimed ,displaced ,raped and forced into exile in neighbouring countries .Civil society at this time was very weak and the labour and student  movement were an extension of the government and the party .The only organization that played a critical role was the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace which documented the massacres in a report entitled “Breaking The Silence ,Building True Peace “ .The Catholic Bishops tried to engage Prime Minister Robert  Mugabe on the issue but  were dismissed as a “band of Jeremiahs “and Nkomo labelled a “snake “that needed to be destroyed .After five years of battering of the official opposition ,P.F ZAPU succumbed to ZANU P.F to save Matabeleland from total destruction and the two parties combined under a Unity Accord to form one Party “ Zanu P.F” under the leadership of Mugabe .The violent conduct Mugabe was insulated by the politics of the Cold War since Nkomo was an ally of Russia and Mugabe was a darling of the west at that time .
Post 1990
In the post unity accord era the government sought to cement the one party system but at this time civil society began to emerge as a critical voice mainly through the students movement at the University of Zimbabwe led by Arthur Mutambara and Enoch Chigweje [now Munyaradzi Gwisai ].Academics from the universities also became increasingly critical of the government leading to the formation of the academics -led Forum party of Zimbabwe with retired Chief Justice Dumbuchena  as its leader .The party was however too elitist and  was easily defeated by ZANU .P.F .Later the Zimbabwe Unity Movement was formed by maverick politician Edgar Tekere ,a former ZANU P.F stalwart but once again it was easily defeated by ZANU P.F .
The Genesis of  Strong Civil Society
By 1998 the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions led by its president Gibson Sibanda and Secretary General Morgan Tsvangirai had become a huge voice for the workers struggling under the effects of the World Bank imposed the Structural Adjustment Programme ,corruption and poor economic policies .In 1998 the labour movement organized a strike that paralyzed the entire nation .Later on in the capital Harare food protests broke out and regime change seemed imminent .Civil society was virtually leading the democratic process in the absence of a viable opposition.
The National Constitutional Assembly then emerged under the auspices of the Zimbabwe Council of Churches which housed the secretariat. The demands of the National Constitutional Assembly were simple .A new people driven constitution to curb excessive presidential powers and legitimized dictatorship .The new civic body was the brainchild of activists such as Deprose Muchena ,Brian Kagoro and Twanda Mutasa but strategically they identified popular civic society leaders such as Morgan Tsvangirai,Welshman Ncube ,David  Coltart ,Lovemore Maduku,Janah Ncube and Tendai Biti  to be at the forefront of the constitutional body .Most of these leaders went on to form the country’s biggest opposition party ,the Movement For Democratic Change led by Tsvangirai with Ncube as Secretary general and  wide variety of student activists ,labour leaders  and academics s in the leadership of the new party .
In response to the emerging civil society and opposition tidal wave the government set up its own constitutional commission to gather people’s views on the new constitution .The constitution was subjected to a referendum and was rejected by the people .For the first time Robert Mugabe were defeated in a plebiscite .Mugabe reacted swiftly to this by unleashing war veterans on farms of white commercial farmers claiming that the revolution was about to be subverted by the M.D.C ,civil society ,the west and the whites .Over 200 people were killed during this time ,especially white commercial farmers and supporters of the opposition M.D.C .This was Mugabe’s preparation for the elections which followed were his party narrowly won the elections .At this time civil society and the opposition were at their  peak  .
However by 2006 the opposition MD.C had split into two formations with one led by Tsvangirai and the other by Arthur Mutambara .The M.D.C has subsequently fragmented into four  parties namely the M.D.C –T ,the M.D.C led by Ncube ,M.D.C 99 and M.D.C  -M .Interestingly though the divided opposition defeated Mugabe in the 2008 elections but failed to garner a majority in the first round .This was after election results were withheld for over three months by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. During this time opposition activists were locked up ,beaten and tortured resulting in the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai refusing to participate in the presidential run off with President Mugabe who subsequently “won: the one man race . In a  rare show of speed “the results “were announced within 24 hours and Mugabe was quickly sworn in as president .The government was however not recognized by SADC ,the regional body .Civil society played a critical role in documenting election and human rights violations ,civic participation ,information dissemination and regional and international advocacy resulting in the formation of an inclusive government comprising of the M.D.C T ,ZANU P.F  and the M.D.C  -M .A Global political Agreement as  the basis of the new power sharing agreement underwritten by SADC enshrining a transitional period epitomized by a new constitution making process ,national healing ,media plurality institutional reform and removal of sanctions /restrictive measures .
Operating Environment
The inclusive government has failed to implement at least 26 issues in the  global political agreement including media  and institutional reform .The constitution making process is almost complete whilst national healing and reconciliation was largely a window dressing and public relations exercise .The former opposition parties are still weak due politicization of state structures ,ZANU .P.F control of the military and restrictive legislation .Repressive legislation which remains in place includes the Public Order and Security Act ,the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Official  Secrets Act .Through its legislative and constitutional architecture the Mugabe regime created “legal “dictatorship backed by statutes and laws .
Why Is The Opposition Weak?
The opposition in Zimbabwe is weak because of the following reasons:
1.Fragmentation-there are over ten opposition parties with four M.D.C formations ,four Z.A.P.U. parties ,Mavambo/Kusile Dawn Party  and ZANU –Ndonga .At least another eight or so parties always emerge at election time
2.Lack of clear ideology
3.Lack of vision-premised on an emotional response to the Mugabe regime and economic environment and no properly thought out policies and vision beyond the “ Mugabe must go “mantra
4.Poor Leadership
5.Brutal state military ,intelligence and police superstructure
6.Limited space to campaign
7.Lack of media plurality
Civil society has somehow emerged stronger with creative coping mechanisms and this could be attributed to :
1.Dynamic change conscious leadership
2.Fluid networks and coalitions
3.Robust regional and international advocacy
5.Vibrant grassroots mobilization and advocacy
6.Responsiveness to changing political environment
Challenges’
1.Exodus of civil society leader to Diaspora
2.Recruitement of civic leader by inclusive government  resulting in some N.G.O ‘s having an identity crisis.
3.Polarization
4.Iregular funding
5.Restricted operational Space
6.Politicians from both ruling party and opposition threatened by growth of civil society organizations
7.Creation of counterfeit state aligned civic organizations
Positioning of Civil Society In Current Context and Beyond
Civil society has to clearly identify its role and mandate in this limited space and ensure that this space is protected and advanced .The following roles of Civil Society  need to be clearly articulated and promoted
1.Promotion of citizen participation in decision making processes
2.Local ,national ,regional and international advocacy on behalf of marginalized groups.
3.Public accountability
4.Policy research and monitoring
5.Conflict management and transformation
6.Election awareness and monitoring
7.Catalyzing community development
8.Complementing government initiatives were necessary
Broadly speaking the mandate of civil society id the pursuit of social ,economic ,political and ecological justice  and this is a profoundly political mandate which should be carried out in a non partisan manner .
Dilemmas
The biggest dilemma facing civil society is that of being confused with the opposition parties especially when there is confluence on certain issues e.g. constitution making .I submit that since country contexts and conditions differ civil society organizations have to make strategic decisions informed by their peculiar country contexts  as long as this does not compromise on organizational integrity and autonomy without detaining popular struggles for  democracy through spectartorship .Inevitably civil society will be accused of being partisan but civil society should not allow itself to be defined by “government propaganda but by their  principles ,visions ,values and missions
What Can Be Done
1.Civic groups need to develop clear ideologies ,belief systems and visionary frameworks
2.Developing civics into non partisan and yet un apologetically political entities .
3.Building solidarity ,linkages and coalitions at regional and global level
4.Explore new funding sustainable ,innovative funding paradigms and sources
5.Leadership d development and succession planning in civil society
6.Utilizing former civil society operatives and leaders who are now n government for information and space but maintaining non partisanship
Conclusion
I believe the Zimbabwean experience proffers opportunities for civil society to play a pa active role in the democratization  and transformation of nations even in the context of weak opposition  parties .

Asante!



























Monday, 30 April 2012

Dumisani O Nkomo: Reviving The City of Kings -Paradigm Shift Needed

Dumisani O Nkomo: Reviving The City of Kings -Paradigm Shift Needed: Ideas and Perspectives On The Revival Of Bulawayo By Dumisani O.Nkomo The revival of Bulawayo which once was the industrial hub of the ...

Dumisani O Nkomo: Reviving The City of Kings -Paradigm Shift Needed

Dumisani O Nkomo: Reviving The City of Kings -Paradigm Shift Needed: Ideas and Perspectives On The Revival Of Bulawayo By Dumisani O.Nkomo The revival of Bulawayo which once was the industrial hub of the ...

Reviving The City of Kings -Paradigm Shift Needed

Ideas and Perspectives On The Revival Of Bulawayo
By Dumisani O.Nkomo
The revival of Bulawayo which once was the industrial hub of the country has been a topical issue for the past few years. In this article i would like to suggest some ideas and issues that we need to consider in order to revive the City of Kings.  I would like to suggest  we as the citizens of Bulawayo both at individual and corporate levels have to  gravitate toward new paradigms of socio economic development and not necessarily be stuck in a moment of history almost forty years ago when Bulawayo was the industrial hub of Zimbabwe .We  need to envisage Bulawayo as it will be in twenty to fifty years not seek to return it to what it was forty years ago .
The dictates of globalization and the Information Communication  Technology revolution make it imperative for the city to re position itself ,identify its strategic competencies and build its development foundations upon new opportunities in the new national and global socio economic and political environment .It may be a fallacy to think the same industries that made Bulawayo the industrial hub of Zimbabwe forty years ago can be revived in the same state and compete with industries for example in the emerging economies of Brazil Russia ,India   ,China and South Africa .It may be necessary to identify the new competitive advantages of Bulawayo and build upon old ones which are still feasible .
I would like to argue that the future growth of Bulawayo should be premised on the following fundamentals and considerations
1.Development of alternative ,renewable, eco  friendly  and sustainable energy sources .
2.Utillization of the huge potential in tapping surface and underground water .
3.Masive investment in road ,rail and air infrastructure mainly through private public partnerships .
4.Exploiting  potential of the extractive sector with huge possibilities in gold ,diamond  and coal mining .
5.Devolution of power and  decision making to maximize on local resource potential and access to decision makers for corporate and individual citizens .
These fundamentals will then inform the growth of industry and business activity in Matabeleland in general and Bulawayo in particular in the following ways:
1.Currently industry cannot reach capacity utilization  targets let alone compete with huge production volumes of competitors .Production has been severely affected by  perennial load shedding and power cuts .The exploitation of alternative ,sustainable renewable energy  would be foundational to the growth of industry in Bulawayo
2.Completion  or commencement of water projects such as the Gwayi - Shangani Dam ,the duplication of the Insiza  Dam and the subsequent release of Mtshabezi Dam to support irrigation in Umzingwane  .Bulawayo will not grow or attract  investment without sufficient reserves of water for domestic and industrial purposes .The potential of underground water sources such as the Nyamandlovu and the Matsheuhlophe aquifers would boost the irrigation potential of areas in and around Bulawayo.
3.Investment in transport infrastructure namely roads ,rail and the Bulawayo airport will play a critical role in ensuring that Bulawayo repositions itself as a strategic route  to South Africa ,Botswana and Zambia in the context of the SADC region .Already the Plumtree –Bulawayo -Mutare highway is due to be constructed ,opening avenues to the  eastern Highlands and Mozambique .The Joshua Mqabuko airport refurbishment and expansion has to be speeded to boost the tourism industry especially with easy access to tourist destinations in Victoria Falls-Hwange  which has the  potential of raking in millions of dollars  .The growth of the sector will largely depend on the  development of a sound road ,rail and airport infrastructure .Several hundreds of millions of dollars will also be required to revive the rail industry as it will play a critical role in catalyzing industrial growth premised on coal in Hwange ,Iron  and steel in Kwekwe  and timber in rural Matabeleland   .These will provide a basis for the redevelopment of heavy industry and furniture industry Development of transport infrastructure will thus  be pivotal  to the industrialization of Bulawayo .
4.Bulawayo As A Legislative Capital
I fully subscribe to Welshman Ncube’s bid to have Bulawayo declared as the seat of parliament .All progressive people and Bulawayans will support this  move especially seeing that funds are actually available for the construction of a new parliament .The actual construction of the parliament building will generate activity for the construction industry whilst also providing jobs in the process Downstream industries such as the transport  sector , the hotel and hospitality industry will benefit as a result of the increase of parliamentary activity in Bulawayo  with members of parliament ,legislative staff and lobbying groups locating their activities in Bulawayo .
5.Tourism
Tourism is one competitive advantage that south western Zimbabwe 6.Bulawayo can also position itself as a centre of arts and culture giving rise to cultural tourism ,festivals and carnivals with their downstream contribution to the economy .
7.The revival of the livestock centre will be central to the growth of industry in the city as the city is located in a region which has a climate and geography which is suited to ranching .It will however take up to five years for the Matabeleland   region to build its herd levels to pre 2000 levels .
Bulawayo must take its place in the sun.
Dumisani O Nkomo is a political analyst and C.E.O of Habakkuk Trust .He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com or on his blog www.dumisanionkomo.blogspot