Election Countdown –Is M.D.C.-T Losing Ground?

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

Elections are inevitability in the next 20 months and it is critical to analyse the state of preparedness of the contesting parties, aspirants and candidates. Undoubtedly Morgan Richard Tsvangirai poses the biggest threat to President Robert Mugabe 3 decade long reign having beaten the geriatric politician in the March 2008 elections. Can Morgan Tsvangirai do it again? Will the resurgent Welshman Ncube post a surprise or upset the political electoral order.  Have Simba Makoni and his Mavambo Project become irrelevant and what are the chances of Dumiso Dabengwa and his Zapu. Will ZANU P.F grab victory from the jaws of defeat by posting another Houdini Act through hook or crook? What factors will determine who wins the next elections and how have the various political players performed in the last 12 months. This article will specifically analyze the M.D.C T and its chances in the elections and subsequent articles will focus on other parties and personalities.

I would like to suggest that since, empirically the M.D.C-T stands the most realistic chance of defeating Mugabe and ZANU P.F it is therefore essential to critically evaluate this party and subject it to objective critical analysis. One problem with our body politic and the “progressive democratic movement “is the inability to truthfully critique “progressive political movements” as it is feared one could lose political favour and or funding. It has therefore become fashionable to turn a blind eye to the misdemeanours of either the M.D.C –T or its leader Morgan Tsvangirai. This is to the detriment of the M.D.C T and Tsvangirai himself since it is folly to surround oneself with praise singers, ZANU P.F style .There is a general fear of not being included in the next government or falling out of favour with some supporting partners if one dares to criticise the M.D.C –T and its leader. I would argue that this is against the very principles of the post independence struggle against ZANU P.F tyranny and misrule. Surely we are breeding another ZANU P.F insulating Tsvangirai and M.D.C T from valid and constructive criticism as should be the norm in any democracy .The following factors could militate against the electoral success of the M.D.C-T and Morgan Tsvangirai.

The M.D.C –T whilst having a long history of fighting oppression, corruption and misrule has itself been accused of being a replica of ZANU P.F .The party’s elective processes at  various provinces especially Bulawayo could have made any ZANU P.F stalwart green with envy. Internal violence, factionalism and allegations of electoral impropriety were the order of the day and it remains to be seen whether the wounds of the past will heal. This has been accentuated by allegations of corruption against local authorities run by the M.D.C –T ,lack of financial probity in managing the constituency development fund by some M.P’s and poor service delivery in several city ,town and rural councils .All these issues have severely dented the democratic credentials of the M.D.C –T and could impact the party negatively if no remedial action is taken .To its credit the party has set up committees to track the performance of local authorities under its control .The M.D.C-T still has a lot to do to build its democratic credentials or risk being labelled as another ZANU P.F in waiting as it has failed to prove how fundamentally different it is from ZANU P.F .If the party fails to nourish ,nature and cultivate internal democracy it risks losing some of its   members to rival political parties .

The erosion of the democratic  credentials of the M.D.C –T could culminate in either voter apathy or loss of support to other political formations .In the broader scope of things the loss of democratic credential could have marginal or negligible impact as current Zimbabwean politics is not about the quality of policies or leaders but personalities .

Complacency

The level of complacency in the M.D.C –T is spectacularly shocking as the party seems to think people will vote for it and Morgan Tsvangirai merely because they are who they are. The M.D.C led As has been noted by observers almost the entire top six in the M.D.C –T slots have senior government posts including the vice president ,the national chairman ,the secretary general ,deputy secretary general, the national organizing secretary and the party spokesperson who is a COPAC co-chairperson and is involved with issues to do with constitutional reform most of the time. Ncube’s M.D.C have the vice president , the chairman, the organizing secretary and the spokesperson focussing on party issues whilst the ZANU P.F chairman Simon Khaya Moyo is not a cabinet member .

Shockingly the M.D.C T does not seem to be actively preparing for elections and appears to have left the “people” to just vote for them.

Factionalism and Challenges of Internal Democracy

If the M.D. C –T fails to deal with issues of factionalism whether in Bulawayo ,Midlands South and North , Mashonaland West  the party may face a rude awakening in the presidential and parliamentary elections. There is likelihood that whilst Morgan Tsvangirai may do well in the presidential elections  the M.D.C-T may lose ground in the parliamentary and local government elections. Factionalism is likely to increase as candidates are elected or selected for the elections. Beneficiaries of the confusion of factionalist politics will include Ncube’s M.D.C, ZANU P.F and possibly ZAPU .

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There is need for the M.D.C .T to develop a clear governance agenda which will dovetail with their election manifesto .It is not sufficient anymore to blame Mugabe for everything without proffering any solutions .In short the M.D.C –T has to move from merely opposing to proposing and thus project itself as a party that can actually rule Zimbabwe. From a purely factual point of view fringe parties such as M.D.C –Ncube, Mavambo and ZAPU seem to have more ideological clarity than the MD.C –T which does not appear to have a consistent position about anything be it elections, the content of the constitution, indigenization, targeted measures /sanctions and the emotive Matabeleland issue as my friend Zenzele Ndebele puts it. It is not enough to ride on the protest vote anymore especially if that vote does not seem to be translating into credible alternative governance or leadership.

Issues which may prove costly to the M.D.C-T ‘s campaign include homosexuality ,indigenization and the Matabeleland issue .The party also has to deal with internal decadence and erosion of democratic values and practise ,corruption and factionalism if it is to defeat  ZANU P.F in the elections .

However the M.D.C –T’s biggest strength is its national appeal  ,is proven capacity to defeat ZANU P.F and Mugabe in an election as well as its propensity for drama or rather melo drama whenever it is attacked by ZANU P.F. Blunders made by Tsvangirai and the M.D.C –T may thus be construed as acts of sabotage and infiltration by ZANU P.F or state security agents .Tsvangirai may therefore benefit from “victimist “politics which is popular in Africa casting him in the Shakespearean  mould of a “man more sinned against than sinning “ and therefore the perfect candidate for the tragic hero in the unfolding drama of Zimbabwean politics.

I will focus on Welshman Ncube’s M.D.C in my next instalment.

Dumisani is a political analyst and Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust. He writes here in his personal capacity. He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

ZIMBABWEAN ELECTIONS –CONTENDERS ,PRETENDERS AND NO HOPPERS

By Dumisani O Nkomo        

In the March 2008 harmonized elections Morgan Tsvangirai defeated Robert Mugabe and Simba Makoni in the presidential elections .The two M.D.C formations mustered marginally more seats than ZANU P.F .The big question on everybody’s mind is whether Morgan Tsvangirai can win the next elections again or whether  Professor Welshman Ncube  is  a serious contender  to the presidential throne ?Is he a refreshing alternative to both Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai or will he just split the vote which would have resulted in the defeat of Robert Mugabe and ZANU P.F ?Does Morgan Tsvangirai have the capacity and ability to build on the March 2008 victory or has he lost ground to the geriatric political craftsman in the form of President Robert Mugabe ?In the first place are there any substantive issues at stake in the next elections or the main agenda is regime change or retention of the old ZANUP.F order ?I will attempt to answer some but not all of these questions in the hope that they will lead to some critical debate and rationale discourse .

WHAT ARE THE NEXT ELECTIONS ABOUT

The next elections will literally determine whether ZANU P.F will be  part of the future or it will be cast in the dustbin of history ,there to find companionship with Zambia ’s former ruling party UNIP, the Malawi Congress Party and the Kenya African National Union .In the same vein if the M.D.C T fails to win the next elections the party will implode in the next five years and give way to a third way or is it the  fourth way which will replace the M.D.C T as the largest opposition party and more importantly the next government .This would probably take place in the 2018 elections .

Welshman Ncube and his M.D.C remain a dark horse and their greatest strength is their underdog status .However the next elections are crucial to Ncube in the sense that if the party is buried in an electoral avalanche or  landslide it may fade into oblivion and be completely submerged by the M.D.C T .If ZAPU decides to contest their claim to political legitimacy and indeed relevance ,existence and effectiveness may be eroded if the party is totally decimated in the elections  .The other political parties such as the Mavambo Kusile Project ,M.D.C 99 and company may be reduced to electoral paraphernalia decorating the electoral contest  but not making a meaningful impact .

In a sense therefore the next elections will determine the continued relevance and existence of these political players .The next elections are thus defining to the political destinies of all the electoral aspirants ,contenders and pretenders .

ZANU P.F ‘S Survival Strategy

ZANU P.F survival strategists realize that if they fail to adapt through use of force ,political fraud or reform they will be fossilized and become glorified later day dinosaurs  .Some in ZANU P.F prefer the tried and tested tactics of using force ,both physical and structural .Others  prefer to rebrand the party as a people’s party that can win an election using populist policies such as indigenization which appeal not only to the unemployed masses but also the urban elite ,the “new poor “ and intellectuals .

ZANU P.F.’s chances of  winning the elections are however slim unless they  resort to   to mass organized political violence  or outright rigging .The party is capable of both .

The M.D.C T

The M.D.C –T will be hoping that their incumbency in the government works in their favour .They would want to use their presence in  the inclusive government to push their own agenda and out muscle ZANU P.F were they can .The Quasi fiscal operations of the Reserve Bank which some claimed was used to oil ZANU P.F ‘s campaign machinery in the 2008 elections have been checked by Finance Minister Tendai Biti .Similarly thousands of ZANU P.F youths  who were on the Public Service payroll have been removed thus compromising the ZANU P.F election machinery  .Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has also used his presence in government to access areas which he previously had no access to .There is little indication though that the M.D.C T  has extended its influence to the embedded securocrats who effectively jettisoned Mugabe into power in 2008 .Beyond this the M.D.C T seems to be counting on the protest vote and the unpopularity of  ZANU P.F .

M.D.C Ncube

After a series of defections from his party Welshman Ncube appeared to be headed for the doldrums. The Professor however proved that he was a worthy contender when he bounced back by launching a massive grassroots campaign countrywide  which is likely to bear more fruit in Matabeland .His ministers in the inclusive government have also done fairly well and this could swing a few votes in his party’s favour .He however has to battle against a polarized political environment which has sucked in the media ,sections of civil society and part of the international community .Obviously Ncube and his party will not win the elections but they will put up a spirited performance and possibly hold the balance again in parliament .Ncube’s strategy would also be to swing the historic protest vote in Matabeland in his favour ,something which may not be beyond  his capacity .He will also try and appeal to the middle class and rationale vote or the undecided “majority “.

ZAPU and Dabengwa

ZAPU and Dabengwa caused a few political tremors in the first past of last year but the party has quickly fizzled away and lost the momentum to Welshman Ncube in Matabeleland .ZAPU appears to have ideological clarity but it is desperately broke and may have no resources to mount a serious electoral challenge .Elections in this day and age require  massive investment  in campaign strategies and resources and the party appears to have neither in spite of its huge support base in the Diaspora .An alliance between ZAPU and M.D.C led by Ncube is most likely to occur as the parties are likely to fish from the same electoral pond .

Conclusion

A broad alliance of progressive political parties encompassing the M.D.C.T ,the M.D.C and ZAPU is the most desirable scenario but at the moment this appears to be unlikely .It will take exceptional statesmanship ,humility and maturity to get to this level .

Mayibuye

Dumisani O .Nkomo is the chief executive officer of Habakkuk Trust –he writes here in his personal capacity .He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

IS NON VIOLENT MASS ACTION A VIABLE OPTION IN ZIMBABWE ?

By Dumisani O.Nkomo

A few weeks ago the Reserve Bank Governor controversially urged the business community in Bulawayo to engage in non violent protests if ever they wanted to access the Distressed Industries and Marginalized Areas Fund .It  is critical to  discuss the viability ,probability ,probity and effectiveness of non violent mass action as a tool of delivering economic and political democracy .In doing this i would like to submit that we as Zimbabweans have been reduced to passive spectators in the transformation agenda of the nation .We have delegated the responsibility of bringing about change to S.A.D.C ,Jacob Zuma ,the African Union and the international community .We seem to have invested a lot of energy and time on regional and international advocacy .This strategy has been effective to an extent although it is premised on the imperative of influencing the mediation process facilitated by Jacob Zuma and SADC .Our hopes seem to be pinned on Zuma ,SA.D.C ,the African Union and the international community .Is this hope and belief justified and should  we continue to place all our collective expectations on the shoulders of others without  pro actively exploring other  avenues of effecting democracy and social transformation .I would like to suggest that Zimbabweans need to start seriously exploring non violent mass mobilization as a strategy of advocating for political ,social and economic reform .In doing so the limitations ,advantages and disadvantages of this strategy need to be taken into cognisance .

I have argued previously that Zimbabweans are too fatigued  to engage in non violent mass action but then “no condition is permanent “ and different contexts require responses which are relevant  to the time and conditions prevailing at a particular period . Non violent  mass action cannot therefore be entirely dismissed in the Zimbabwean context .In actual fact the negotiators for the two M.D.C formations will be rendered useless without leverage as the general rule of negotiation is that one should have sufficient leverage to push for issues .In 1979 at the Lancaster House Talks P.F ZAPU and ZANU P.F were able to push their agenda because of the leverage they had in the form of their  respective armies namely the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army ZIPRA ,the ZAPU  armed wing and the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army [Z.A.N.L.A] the ZANU P.F armed wing  . I am in no way advocating for an armed insurrection being a proponent of non violence but my point is that negotiations are useless as long as one does not have any leverage .What the two M.D.C’ have to offer at the moment are good arguments and nothing more  beyond this the M.D C formations are at the mercy of Z.A.N.U P.F .

Critical issues which  may require mass mobilization may be categorized into local and national level issues including reforms before elections ,devolution of power ,the speedy disbursement of D.I.M.A.F ,media reforms and poor service delivery

None violent mass action is an option that could be considered to deal with the government’s template of indifference to the plight of the people .However non violent mass action is a not an end in itself but a means to an end since it is really meant to build pressure and apply leverage in a negotiation process .Poorly conceived mass action can result in more chaos as we have witnessed in Egypt and Libya were the revolution has become a cycle of violence ,anarchy and confusion .Secondly it must be understood that non violent action as articulated by Dr Martin Luther King and Mahatma  Gandhi is a philosophy based on solid principles of transformation  .Non violent action seeks to free both the oppressor and the oppressed  .Thirdly non violent mass action should not be taken as the only viable action to bring change but as an action which supports and complements other actions such as advocacy ,negotiation ,mediation ,litigation and arbitration .

In the Zimbabwean context non violent mass action may have the following challenges :

1.The possibility of apathy and lack of popular support as evidenced in the failed stay away of 2008 .

2.Mass action can be hijacked by sinister political and or criminal elements .

3.This may play into the hands of military hawks who may declare a state of emergency ,suspend all rights ,dissolve the inclusive government and arrest leaders of opposition and civic leaders .At worst this may give opportunity for military hawks to take over under the guise of restoring order and the process could result in an effective end of civilian government .

4.Commercialization of activism which may result in people expecting or wanting to be paid for participating in mass action.

5.Contraction of the economy has resulted in the shrinking of the labour movement which traditionally has been at the forefront of positive direct action.

 6.Informalization of the economy may result in people not wanting to participate in activities that affect their  daily income .

7.Overdependence on donors and the international community .Civil society has come to believe that action is  impossible without donor funding .Whilst resources are critical these should support what people are already doing on the ground .

In spite of all these challenges ,risks and obstacles non violent direct action is still a viable option because of the following reasons :

1.It applies pressure directly on government and service providers

2.Makes ordinary people part of the solution

3.Takes the initiative from the state apparatus .

4.There are over 200 non violent non violent methods to choose from.

5.Non violent mass action multiplies has a contagion effect and multiplies people’s courage

6.Politicians no longer take lobbying meetings seriously .

Timing is however critical in the execution of non violent action as wrong timing ,poor planning and fear can result in total abysmal failure .

Dumisani O. Nkomo is a political analyst and Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust .he  writes here in his personal capacity .He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

Devolution of Power –Comparative Analysis ,Pros and Cons

By Dumisani O .Nkomo

President Robert Mugabe recently stirred the hornets nest when he indicated that he was opposed to devolution of power in the new constitution .He has not been alone in his crusade as local government Minister Dr Ignatius Chombo  penned a scholarly piece on the demerits of devolution of power .I will attempt to provide an objective analysis of the concept of devolution of power and it’s perceived demerits and its merits

I will start of  with a  common understanding and definition of what devolution of power is and how it differs from federalism ,secession and decentralization .Usually these terms are confused and confusing with some people using them interchangeably .

Just as Chombo stated and as defined in Wikipedia “Devolution of power is the “statutory granting of power to government at a sub national ,regional or local level “ .The nature ,scope and magnitude of such power is then defined by the constitutional and legislative framework of that particular governance model because although devolution maybe have a common legal proto type in terms of principle it differs in style ,architecture and design from country to country .A devolved system of governance can exist in a unitary or federal state .Examples of countries with devolved system of governance within a unitary state include France  which  has 27 regions , Italy which has 15 ,Papua New Guinea -18 provinces ,Peru 25 regions ,Spain -18 communities  and Kenya which has 47 county governments .

Federalism

A federal system of  governance on the other hand is defined as “a system of government where power is divided between a central authority and constituent political units “[Wikipedia] .In some cases individual states may have their own constitutions  depending on the design and architecture of the  particular federal governance model .Examples of countries with a federal system of governance include Mexico ,India Australia ,Canada ,the United States of America and Switzerland which has an elaborate system of a confederation of 26 cantons .

Secession

In his comments president Mugabe seemed to equate devolution with secession  but for the purpose of this debate it is then necessary to define what secession  is and then compare and contrast this with the definitions of devolution and federalism given above .Simply put secession is “the act of withdrawing from  a union ,a political or geographical entity “ .It is thus obvious from this definition that devolution is not secession  and neither is federalism secession .Solid examples of instances where secession  has taken place include South Sudan ,Croatia and Slovenia which seceded from Yogoslavia  .Abortive attempts at a secession  have taken place in Biafra [Nigeria and Katanga  D. R[Congo] .It is thus obvious that the issue of secession does not suffice in the context of the current constitution making process and any attempt to equate devolution with secession is therefore misplaced  and ill informed .

Decentralization

Decentralization which is the preferred ZANU P.F position is defined as  “distributing the administrative functions or powers of a central authority among several local authorities “.There is therefore quite  clearly a fundamental difference between the “statutory granting of powers from a central authority “which is devolution to  merely distributing of administrative power .First of all the granting of power under devolution is statutory  and secondly it is more profound in scope transcending beyond administrative power to legislative ,executive and it some  cases judicial power .

It is therefore abundantly clear that decentralization in the context of the current national discourse of equitable distribution of national resources ,increased decision making at provincial and local government level is inadequate and irrelevant .

Deficits of Devolution

Dr Ignatius Chombo and his acolytes argue and not without merit  that devolution may result in “devolution of corruption  and inefficiency .He argues that devolution would be catastrophic as evidenced by overwhelming corruption taking place currently in local authorities ,He also argues that devolution will remove the oversight role of central government and  may not contribute to national cohesion .Other critics of devolution also argue that Zimbabwe is too small to have such a system of governance .They claim that devolution will accentuate ethnic differences and divide the country on tribal lines .It  has also been argued that poorer regions with few resources will suffer a s a result of devolution .

Argument For Devolution

These arguments as i have said are not without merit but again they assume that devolution of power is a one size fits all model of governance ,which it is not .Devolution of power can differ from country to country  depending on the peculiar socio economic and political experiences of each country .Corruption and inefficiency can be curtailed through inbuilt mechanisms to ensure transparency and good governance .Basic standards can be set at a national level whilst region specific instruments can be put in place to address issues peculiar to geographic  and ethnic communities .Centralized governance has resulted in centralized corruption but devolution of power to provincial and local government authorities will significantly increase public scrutiny thus ensuring sound stewardship of resources .The oversight role of central government can still remain in place without disturbing the operations of provincial and local government operation s .An ideal devolved state has clear cut roles for central government ,provincial government and local government .It does not wish away central government necessarily but then neither does it curtail the powers of provincial and local governments .The key here is a well defined governance architecture with elected governors who have budgets and operate with an executive and provincial authority or government .The governor may be elected directly by the people or by a provincial assembly or legislature which would make laws at provincial level .

Perhaps it would be prudent to learn from the Kenyan Model which devolved power to 47 counties in a system which made provisions for equitable resource allocation and distribution through inbuilt public finance mechanisms which addressed issues of  “ transfer equalization ,grants from national government and resources derived from local economic activity .The Kenyan system also envisaged a devolved public service using national standards .

Devolution will lead to equitable distribution of resources throughout different regions and disadvantaged regions will benefit from equalization mechanisms through central government fiscal instruments  .National cohesion will actually be enhanced because Zimbabwe’s various ethnic groups including the Kalanga ,Ndau ,Suthu ,Tswana ,Xhosa ,Tonga ,Nambya ,Shona ,San ,Venda ,Shona and Ndebele will be promoted through the efforts of accessible and empowered  regional and local governments which are able to craft polices which are relevant to local conditions and experiences .Citizens will be able to influence and participate in decision making thus building strong local democracies which is the basis of a healthy  national participatory democracy .Devolution is a not a problem it is a part of the solution .Obviously it will not solve all the country’s problems but it will address most of them .This has to be done in tandem with a good ,democratic constitution ,strong institutions , a culture of democracy and harmonized subsidiary laws which facilitate devolution of power .A lot will depend on the design ,implementation and execution of the model of devolution that Zimbabwe  adopts .

Dumisani  is a political analyst and  C.EO OF Habakkuk Trust and he writes here in his personal capacity .he can be contacted on Dumisani .nkomo@gmail.com

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Independence Day – A Betrayal of Lookout Masuku’s Vision

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

“We wanted to vote and choose our own destiny “was the comment the late Lieutenant General Lookout Masuku made in an interview with Time magazine in 1980. A couple of weeks before the 32^nd anniversary of our Independence this dream is still elusive. Lookout Mafela Khalisabantu Vumindaba Masuku died on the 7^th of April 1986 two days after his birthday and eleven days before the country’s sixth anniversary of independence. He died after spending four years in prison even after the Supreme Court ruled in 1983 that he and Dumiso Dabengwa were innocent of charges of plotting to overthrow the government of Robert Mugabe. It would be most fitting to commemorate Zimbabwe’s 32 anniversary of Independence by celebrating the life of one of Zimbabwe’s finest soldiers and commander of ZAPU’s Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army from 1978 to 1980. Masuku then become deputy commander of the Zimbabwean National Army at independence but died literally at the hands of a government he had helped to construct.

Masuku was released together with veteran ZAPU nationalist Vote Moyo in March 1986 when he was seriously ill and Judith Todd in her book Through The Darkness expressed doubts whether the “specialist who attended to him was “indeed a specialist or even  or even a registered doctor at all”. On April 7 he succumbed to cryptocococal meningitis at Parirenyatwa Hospital and this after the government had refused to grant him one of his dying wishes to see his comrade Dumiso Dabengwa who was still languishing in jail. General Lookout Masuku  will go down in history as the first martyr of post independent Zimbabwe.

Perhaps it would be critical to reflect on Masuku’s comments to Time Magazine when he told the publication just after independence that  “we have been fighting so people could express their will “.Yet 32 years after independence what Mafela  fought for is still a mirage.

Lookout Masuku was one of the first victims of ZANU P.F’s flagrant disregard of the rule of law and he paid the ultimate price and as such we should not be fooled to think trampling on and of the rule of law and impunity only began in 2000, it has been with us since independence and Lookout Masuku twenty six years later afterwards is a  sad reminder of an aborted revolution.

Joshua Nkomo summarized Masuku’s supreme contribution to the struggle on April 12 1986 at the funeral of the ZIPRA commander when he said “Mafela, Lookout after all his sacrifices, died a pauper in our own hands, we cannot blame colonialism and imperialism for this tragedy”. Up to today there is no major street or building in the country which is named after Masuku, what a betrayal!

Masuku’s life and death is a sharp rebuke of the very notion of independence when the country still boasts of an array of repressive legislation which infringe on fundamental liberties of speech, association ,assembly ,freedom of the press and expression. If Lookout Masuku, Jason Moyo, Nikita Mangena, Lazarus Nkala, Josiah Tongogara and Herbert Chitepo were to rise from the dead I am sure they would not be sure whether they were in Rhodesia or the Zimbabwe they fought so hard and long for.

Independence day this should not be a time of celebration but rather of moaning the betrayed liberation values of the likes of Lookout Masuku who literally died in chains in the same way that Steve Biko died in prison. Independence Day should remind us that we are yet to enjoy a new Zimbabwe were people can “vote “freely and choose their own destiny”. Our history syllabus at schools needs urgent revision  so that it captures the contribution of General Lookout Masuku  and his ZIPRA forces  as the current history being taught at schools reduces Nkomo, ZAPU, ZIPRA and Masuku to political Lilliputians who made an insignificant contribution to the  struggle for Zimbabwe.

As Nkomo said at Lookout’s funeral “Those who rule our country know inside themselves that Lookout played a very big part in winning our struggle and yet they let him die in prison …he is not being buried at heroes acre but they can’t take away his hero status, you don’t give hero status, you recognize it, yes he can be temporarily forgotten by the state, but young people who do research will one day unveil what Lookout was doing” [Judith Todd, Through the Darkness, Life in Zimbabwe].

As we tread cautiously towards Independence Day Commemorations it should be a time of reflection and indeed mourning for the betrayed ideals of the liberation struggle which Lookout Vumindaba Mafela Khalisabantu envisaged.

Dumisani is the Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust and political analyst. He can be contacted on Dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com