Dumisani O Nkomo: Election Pact Between M.D.C Formations Essential

Dumisani O Nkomo: Election Pact Between M.D.C Formations Essential: Electoral Pact –ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY By Dumisani O. Nkomo Last year I suggested that an electoral pact is imperative and inevitabl...

Election Pact Between M.D.C Formations Essential

Electoral Pact –ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

Last year I suggested that an electoral pact is imperative and inevitable having said since then there has been heated debate on the issues. I would like to categorically state that if the two M.D.C ‘s do not agree on such an arrangement chances of them losing to ZANU P.F are quite high. This arrangement would help in constructing a stable new economic and political architecture  in the post ZANU P.F era as the former presidential party is unable and or unwilling to capture international support and investor confidence .The two M.D.C ‘s should look at the greatest good for the greatest number of people and  this I believe would be an electoral pact which would enable them to field one candidate for the presidential elections and concur on candidates for parliamentary and local government elections .

Political Egos

The biggest impediment to an electoral pact between the two M.D C formations I not ideological as both parties are two dominant and separate social democratic entities .I would like to argue that in the current contestation; it is more about egos than about anything since both formations want to prove that they have political muscle and support . The M.D.C –T would like to prove that once and for all that it is the most dominant party by vanquishing the M.D.C led by Ncube and ZANU P.F. The M.D.C led by Professor Ncube would like to prove it has gained ground and is a king maker in Zimbabwean politics. In both  these assumptions the two parties are correct because political parties exists to contest for power and not to share  power necessarily. In a normal cases  political parties can also exist to defend and advance specific geo political ,socio-cultural ,economic or environmental interests .However in the context of Zimbabwe such a political architecture is a luxury we cannot afford and the political super structure in Zimbabwe provides no room for such luxuries .If the two parties continue to dilly dally ZANU P.F AND Mugabe will win the next elections confining  the two formations to history  as Zimbabwean   politics in five years time may will be quite different from current politics with the possible emergence of strong alternative  new political factors ,formations and voices ,with the possibility of a reformed ZANU P.F at best and a deformed one at worst .In essence this is the last chance for the MD.C.-T and Morgan Tsvangirai   to win  elections   and this could be the last time for Professor Ncube to continue being  relevant  to Zimbabwean politics .

The ZANU P.F FACTOR

In the same manner that the resurgence of Ncube’s M.D.C is undoubted ,the resurgence of ZANU P.F is a political reality for the following reasons :

Apathy

Apathy is likely to be a factor in the next elections as the electorate  is likely to have little motivation for voting  .Even then voter turn out is  likely  to  dwindle as it has for the past three elections .The protest vote on the other hand is unpredictable and may shrink  .The protest vote has also been affected by a massive exodus to the diaspora .

Secondly the Community Share Ownership Schemes and Indigenization  Programmes  whilst being  quite genocidal and suicidal for the economy may get ZANU P.F   few more votes especially in rural Mashonaland ,Manicaland ,Masvingo and a few pockets in Matabeleland .

This coupled  with dents to the brand of Morgan Tsvangirai in the past  year u to well documented policy inconsistencies  and personal misdemeanours  has significantly eroded the M.D.C –T ‘s support .This does not however automatically translate into support for Ncube in all cases but rather erosion of confidence in the whole voting and political process . thus contributing to apathy .This makes an electoral pact absolutely necessary as both parties could end up being the biggest losers .

The M.D.C formation  led  by Ncube has made a remarkable turn around and is indeed a force to reckon with but will not win the presidential or parliamentary elections .If Zimbabweans are still motivated primarily by the desire to remove Mugabe and ZANU P.F , the M.D.C [Ncube ]would then a become an unfortunate victim of broader protest politics  regardless of the quality of  their policies and candidate[s].Ncube will definitely make a huge mark on the southern part  of country but In the broader scheme of political arithmetic this may present an advantage to Mugabe and ZANU P.F  who will benefit  from a split presidential vote and splits in votes for parliamentary seats  coupled with apathy .

At the end of it all the two M.D.C ‘s should ensure that they maximize both the presidential and parliamentary votes and the best way of  doing this is through an electoral pact based on agreed upon formulas .

I agree as a Ndebele that it is unacceptable for a Ndebele to be only seen as a vice president and not be able to contest  for the post of president but in the current scheme of things Ncube can still mount a  formidable challenge in 2018 instead of going the “all or nothing” route .  The M.D.C –T is also presented with a win -win situation as they need to win the presidential election and secure a majority in parliament .

I am aware that there is  a lot of bitterness and acrimony  between the  two parties as a result of the original split in 2006 ,the failed 2008 agreement amongst other things .Such is life when a husband and wife fight all they remember are the worst attributes and characteristics  of the other person  .In essence the  two have more in common than they realize and they both have more to gain from an electoral pact .We need the genius and substance of Welshman Ncube  as well  as the charisma and brand of Morgan Tsvangirai .I am confident that the two leaders and two parties will show the nation that they are true statesmen and national leaders with the people at heart .What they are doing now is like the old story of little children who fight over what they would do with money if ever they picked it ,even before they have picked the money .Grow up .

 

Mayibuye I Zimbabwe

Dumisani  O Nkomo is the chief executive officer of Habakkuk Trust ,activist and spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Forum .He writes in his personal capacity .He can .be on Dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com or follow his blog dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com

 

What Is A Hero ?

Time To Redefine Heroes  and Heroines

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

The tragic and untimely death of the iconic former Highlanders and national team striker Adam Ndlovu has  ignited a spirited debate on who and what a national hero or heroine should be . Not for the first time Zimbabweans  from all walks of life with  have been begun to interrogate the narrow definition ,notion or  concept of “national heroes “ .All along one needed to have fought in the liberation struggle or have been a ZANU P.F stalwart to be declared a hero .

Critically as we move into the future it is critical and imperative to define or redefine  what heroism is and what or who heroes are beyond the narrow confines of liberation war politics .After all the generation of freedom fighters will one day all cease to exist but heroes will not  . I would like to argue that  heroes should not necessarily be politicians or people who partook in the liberation of the  country .Our concept of heroism should embrace any persons who have contributed their utmost for the development and upliftment  of the country  in every or any field of human endeavour .

This definition would for example include  people who have excelled in sport ,art ,science business ,charity and community work etc . Did Border Gezi or Chenjerai Hunzvi for example contribute more to the country than James Chimombe ,Adam Ndlovu ,Simon Chimbetu ,David Ndoda .What about the late great All African boxing champion Proud Chinembiri Kilimanjaro ,Langton Tinago ,Walter Kamba  ,Shacky Tauro  or Mercedes Sibanda  .Surely these individuals contributed more than most of the politicians  who are interred at heroes acre who’s claim to heroism is their affiliation and affinity to a political party .

There is a need  to define heroism beyond the narrow terrain of politics and identify outstanding academics such as Phineas Makhurane ,innovative scientists and artists  who have contributed to the greater good of the country not necessarily through the barrel of the gun but also through their talents ,ingenuity and passion .

Will Lovemore Majaivana ,Oliver Mutukudzi ,Cont Mhlanga ,Moses Chunga ,Peter Ndlovu ,Tim Price ,Heath Streak  and  Kirsty Coventry be considered not worthy of hero status when they served the country so loyally and outstandingly .In tennis we have the Black brothers ,Byron and Wayne and their sister Cara whilst in community and civic work   we have the likes of Betty Makoni and Sister Mahlangu  .In the business world  we have the likes of Nigel Chanakira ,Mthuli Ncube ,Sindiso Ngwenya [COMESA Secretary general ] and Strive Masiyiwa  who revolutionized sectors of the economy where they were positioned .All these individuals have contributed more to the  country than some politicians who have reduced the country to a glorified later day ruin .

Living Heroes and Awards

 I would also like to argue that as a country we need to start developing a culture of honouring living heroes   for their various contributions towards the betterment of the community and general populace .I am ware that the President of the country is empowered by the country’s laws to award various honors and awards and so are local authorities .There is need to utilize current spaces that exist to honor outstanding individuals within this framework .We do not have to wait for people to die before acknowledging their efforts . There  should be  a proper framework through relevant  statutes ,ordinances and laws to recognize the efforts of living heroines  and heroes .Politics aside maybe Thokozani Khuphe may deserve an award for her struggle to combat  cancer .One would also like to think that the likes of Vivian and Paddy Wilson who pioneered Chipangali Wild Life Orphanage deserved recognition  .There is also need to honour outstanding writers such as Shimmer Chinodya ,Sabelo Gatsheni Ndlovu ,Chenjerai Hove and Tsitsi Dangarembwga .

 

In this vein I would like to congratulate ZIFA for announcing the launch of the soccer hall of fame .Various institutions and sectors need to start honouring living legends through such initiatives and not necessarily wait for the government which may be unwilling or unable or unwilling and unable to confer such awards and honours to people in other sectors other than politics or ZANU P.F .

The soccer Hall of Fame would be incomplete without the likes of George Shaya ,James and Josiah Nxumalo ,Peter Nyama ,Obadiah Sarupinda ,Gibson Homela ,Musa Muzanenamho ,Majuta Mpofu , Tymon Mabaleka,Bruce Grobbelaar   from the sixties  and seventies .The list would be incomplete without Stanford “Stix” Mutizwa,Stanley Ndunduma,Willard Khumalo ,Japhet Muparutsa ,Misheck ,Chidzambwa ,Misheck Chidzambwa  ,Maronga Nyangela   .It would be a travesty of justice without Boy Ndlovu ,Joel Shambo  and the Ndlovu brothers not forgetting the mercurial Moses Chunga ,Friday Phiri ,Rahman Gumbo ,Eddy Katsvere or Oliver Kateya .Not all of these can qualify as national heroes but they certainly deserve to be honoured even post humously for some within their specific sporting sector .

The nation needs to engage in a conversation with itself on how we can define heroism in our context and experience .Whilst we all acknowledge and appreciate the liberation struggle we need to understand  that it is thirty years after independence and we need to start identifying  post independence ,cross sectorial heroes  .The spilling of blood through various means should not and cannot be the only way of honouring outstanding men and women .This exercise is too important to be left to one political party or institution whether that party is ZANU P.F or the M.D.C  formations

Dumisani O. Nkomo is an activist .He can be contacted on dumisani .nkomo@gmail.com or follow him on his blog dumisanionkomo .blogspot.com

Electoral Pacts Imperative

Election Pacts Inevitable and imperative

By Dumisani O. Nkomo

The harmonized election to be held next year presents Zimbabweans with a unique opportunity of once and for all confining ZANU P.F.  and its leadership to the dustbin of history. However as I have always consistently argued, it is not just about removing Mugabe and ZANU P.F. but rather removing a system and a political culture that have brought the country to its knees through official political gangsterism and  a  rogue “vampire state” that has devoured its citizens .Critically it would be naive at best and suicidal at best for any one political party to think that they can achieve electoral success without support from other political players. Whilst the M.D.C T arguably remains the biggest threat to Robert  Mugabe and ZANU P.F.  if we are to read from the script of the last election, the resurgence of Welshman  Ncube’s M.D.C especially in Matabeleland and parts of Midlands can only be ignored at great peril. Likewise the possibility of Dabengwa’s ZAPU stealing some ZANU P.F votes in ZANU P.F strongholds  remains a positive for the broader progressive movement. Admittedly both Simba Makoni ‘s Mavambo Kusile Dawn and Dabengwa’s ZAPU seem to have almost faded into political oblivion but as the late Professor Masiphula Sithole used to declare “all things are possible in politics and religion”. In this vein I would like to argue that  electoral pacts or alliances are likely to be formed or rather should be formed in order to ensure that Robert Mugabe’s ZANU P.F is defeated. Outside of this we may wake up to the shock ,trepidation and trauma of yet another ZANU P.F victory this time even without  recourse to  violence but due to the fragmentation of contesting political parties.

M.D.C and ZAPU

In my humble opinion ZAPU led by Dabengwa and Ncube’s  M.D.C  will need to form an electoral alliance since they are likely to fish from the same proverbial pond .They are likely to draw a lot of their support from the Matabeleland and Midlands. However Ncube’s M.D.C appears to have an upper hand since it also appeals to the younger generation  with its Information savvy strategies and multi faceted stakeholder engagement approach. ZAPU is likely to appeal to the older generation of former ZAPU supporters and disgruntled ZANU P.F supporters who may consider a move to any of the  M.D.C’s radical. The two parties may also converge ideologically as both propound the principle of devolution of power voraciously and seem to be assertive and about issues pertaining to Matabeleland. They are thus likely to find common ground because of this and may decide to form an alliance against ZANU P.F and the M.D.C T in order to preserve Matabeleland representation .To all intents and purposes neither are likely to win any seats outside Matabeleland and neither is likely to win a presidential election. However both will be critical in producing a president  as the M.D.C  T may need the  5 % to 10 % difference to win the presidential elections .If the Freedom House survey is anything to go by they will definitely need every vote due to ZANU P.F ‘s ascendancy. Fringe parties such as Siwela’s M.L.F and other small parties should not be ignored in the equation as they may not have much in terms of votes but their voice is critical in backing a common candidate or common candidates .

M.D.C –T and ZANU NDONGA

This alliance is likely to be formalized as there are already indications that the M.D.C –T is courting ZANU Ndonga .However the M.D.C –T is quite established in the former ZANU Ndonga strongholds of Chipinge but may just need to make sure with a strategic alliance with the late Rev Ndabaningi Sithole’s party which once created a an impenetrable fotress in Chipinge .This alliance is important for the M.D.C –T but  will not make any significant change on the electoral landscape .

M.D.C T  and M.D.C

An alliance between these two parties is absolutely essential and the absence of such an arrangement could be suicidal to both as ZANU P.F will benefit from a divided M.D.C votes ..Such an electoral alliance may take the shape of the two parties agreeing on who to field as council  and parliamentary candidates and fielding one presidential candidate. They should then identify the best candidates to stand at ward, constituency and senatorial level  and even consider able and competent people who may not be part of their parties but who may have the credentials to make good legislators. Whilst this is the most desirable scenario it will be scuttled by the stampede for parliamentary seats and the desire to prove who the boss is. Paradoxically the key to this electoral alliance depends on the political will of politicians from Matabeleland as they stand to gain or lose more than politicians in other parts of the country. This is because Matabeleland will be the most heavily contested region with M.D.C.-T ,M.D.C ,Z.A.N.U P.F and ZAPU staking a strong claim on the region unlike in other parts of the country where it may be a two horse contest between M.D.C T and ZANU P.F .

Presidential Elections

To be true to reality either ZANU P.F.  or the M.D.C –T are most likely to produce a president in the next elections but  the M.D.C led by Ncube may play a critical role in king making or deciding who becomes president since they may garner up to 10 % of the vote .It will then become necessary for the M.D.C T to negotiate with the M.D.C  now or risk an egg in the face after a  ZANU P.F electoral victory in the presidential or even parliamentary elections.

Parliament

The chances of a hung parliament or a parliament in which no political party has a majority is quite high with a possibility of the both ZANU P.F and M.D.C T requiring the support of the M.D.C led by Ncube. Although it is still possible for the M.D.C T to win a substantial number of votes and seats they would rather exercise wisdom and caution than throw caution to the wind and go it alone as this is probably their last chance of winning an election .The M.D.C led by Ncube has the luxury of potentially holding the deciding vote both in the presidential and parliamentary elections with an expected better showing in Matabeleland than in the previous election .Whilst Ncube may be a good presidential candidate and be of the right presidential material he is unlikely to win the presidential elections in 2013. Morgan Tsvangirai on the other hand will not win the election with a clear majority without the support of Welshman Ncube  and it becomes natural and practical in the best interests of the nation for the two to establish an election pact. If they do not do this both will lose but the biggest losers will be the people of Zimbabwe .

 

 

An election pact or alliance between the  two main M.D.C formation thus becomes an imperative which neither party can ignore. The situation on the ground ,history and past political behaviour seem to conspire against an electoral alliance or pact. This is evident is strategic blunders made by both M.D.C  formations. The most divisive issue will be the issue of  the recognition or lack of recognition of Welshman Ncube as principal by both ZANU P.F and the M.D.C –T . On the other hand the public haranguing of the Morgan Tsvangirai and the M.D.C –T by the M.D.C [Ncube ] has not helped issues. The two M.D C formations have formed a healthy alliance in the constitution making process although at times they failed to contain ZANU P.F and the two parties could build on this. They would need to translate their informal collective resistance to ZANU P.F. in the constitution making process to an active and pro-active electoral alliance against ZANU P.F .

Whatever the case is it would not be in the interest of Zimbabweans and indeed the interests of the M.D.C formations and ZAPU to enter the elections as a divided force as this could result in an election victory for Mugabe and ZANU P.F and several decades more “economic  and political purgatory for the people of Zimbabwe .

An electoral pact will inspire public confidence and faith in the elections as the possibility of change of government will be a certain reality given a broad based electoral alliance.

Dumisani. O. Nkomo is the Chief Executive Officer of Habakkuk Trust, Principal Spokesperson of the Matabeleland Civil Society Forum. He writes here in his personal capacity. He can be contacted on dumisani.nkomo@gmail or follow him on his blog dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com

 

 

Dumisani O Nkomo: Weak Opposition Parties and Civil Society

Dumisani O Nkomo: Weak Opposition Parties and Civil Society: The Role of Civil Society In The   Face of Weak Opposition A Case Study of Zimbabwe A Paper Presented By Dumisani O. Nkomo ...

Weak Opposition Parties and Civil Society

The Role of Civil Society In The  Face of Weak Opposition

A Case Study of Zimbabwe

A Paper Presented By Dumisani O. Nkomo

Habakkuk Trust C.E.O

At

The Civil Society and Political Trends  Seminar

M.S.T.C.D.C  , Arusha ,Tanzania

14 May 2012

Dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

Blog-www.dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com

dumienkomo@twitter.com

Executive Summary

This paper seeks to provide an overview of the role of civil society in the context of weak opposition parties with Zimbabwe as a case study .This discussion paper is located in the context of the rapid evolution and metamorphosis of civil society in Africa ,the changing political landscape and a complex  global socio economic and technological architecture .The discussion paper will provide an outline of the  theoretic framework of the functions and objects of civil society ,the functions and objects of political parties and the conditions within which civil society is located in continentally and more specifically in Zimbabwe .

Pertinently the Zimbabwean experience is a useful case study because of the incremental but phenomenal development of civil society in Zimbabwe in a very restrictive operational environment epitomized by repressive legislation ,polarization and a background of intense conflict and violence .Importantly the role of civil society must be viewed in a historical and futuristic context  with strategic  perspectives  with the  benefit of hindsight and strategic glimpses into the future using the lens of critical analysis and reflection.

Post Independent Africa

Post independent Africa has experienced the phenomena of  one party rule  characterized by the emergence of “strong men “ most of whom where the darlings of the post colonial struggle for independence .The one party ,one leader concept was warmly embraced in Tanzania ,Uganda ,Zimbabwe ,Angola ,Mozambique ,Malawi ,Zambia ,Kenya amongst other countries .Critically military strongmen emerged in countries such as Ghana ,Nigeria  ,Equatorial Guinea and Uganda .These post independent regimes created a culture of monolithic ,monopolistic  and dictatorial political systems epicentred around powerful political parties and enigmatic leaders .Political plurality was at best frowned upon and at worst ruthlessly crushed .The growth of opposition parties and civil society was thus stunted  in most of independent Africa .This was accentuated by the perpetuation of the colonial legacy of repressive legislation that criminalized freedom of expression ,association and assembly .Opponents of the new regimes were ruthlessly crushed and public space for informed dissent and engagement severely limited .It is in this historical context that opposition political parties emerged and evolved in post independent Africa .

Context and Typography of  States

Civil Society organizations and opposition parties most often occupy similar spaces in the public domain although they exist for different reasons .Political parties exist to acquire ,secure and retain power .Civil society exists  to influence power so that voices of marginalized communities are amplified and the interests of various societal sectors such as women ,youths ,informal traders  are clearly articulated .

Failed States

Countries such as Somalia are largely failed stated epitomized by a  collapsed governance system ,inability of the nation state to protect itself from internal and external threats and congenital incapacity to deliver basic services .

Post Conflict States

Critically countries such as Kenya are typical examples of  nation states that have experienced intense conflict and violence in the context of election contestation and are currently transitioning to full democracy through transitional justice ,constitutional review and fresh electoral processes .Arguably Lesotho and Zimbabwe fall under a similar bracket of transitioning nation states whose political destiny may either be abortive or affirmative .The context and conditions of civil society and conditions has thus been intoxicated with post conflict contestations for political power .In Zimbabwe ,Madagascar and Kenya inclusive governments exist due to the failure of opposition parties to win the presidential and legislative elections .The governments in these countries are a result of disputed elections preceded by organized political violence and massive voting irregularities and manipulation of the electoral processes by incumbents .

Emerging Democracies

A number of countries have evolved into fairly robust democracies epitomized by democratic constitutions and institutions ,regular free and fair elections ,change of government and peaceful transfer of power .This has  been the case in Malawi ,Zambia ,Ghana  and Senegal where elections have resulted in regime change ,a term that has been criminalized in Zimbabwe but which is common and in fact best practise in the practise of democracy .Civil society and opposition parties are very strong in these countries and this could be attributed to the abundant space which is available due to factors such as a positive ,democratic culture and environments  as well as enabling legislation. It is critical to be cognisant of why opposition parties are strong in some countries and why they are weak in other countries in the same way that it is critical to understand and appreciate why civil society is strong in some countries and weak in others .Still in other counties civil society is strong but opposition parties are weak .

Democracy In One Party Context

Several counties have opened space to political pluralism ,citizen engagement ,adherence to human rights and democratic institutions but these countries  have  been ruled by the same parties in perpetuity since independence .Opposition parties could be said to be weak in these counties whilst civil society is fairly strong  whilst  incumbent ruling parties have adapted to democratic conditions and contexts to maintain power .This is the case in South Africa ,Botswana  ,Mozambique and Tanzania .These countries have been ruled by one party since independence and this could be attributable to factors such as internal democracy within these political institutions  and leadership renewal .South Africa has had three presidents  since independence in the nineties  namely  Nelson Mandela ,Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma .Botswana has had Sereste Khama ,Quett Masire ,Festus Mogae  and Ian Khama .

Political and Military Dictatorships

In these countries dictators have held on to power for more than two decades .Included in this bracket is Zimbabwe under Robert  Mugabe ,Uganda under Yoweri Museveni  and Angola under Dos Santos .In these counties the space for opposition parties has been severely limited and this has been compounded by internal structural weaknesses intrinsic to the design and architecture of opposition parties as well as prohibitive external factors created by  the dictatorial regimes .Civil society has however thrived in these difficult conditions and has actually offered alternatives leadership in most of these countries .In Zimbabwe sic election  and one constitutional referendum have been held since the year 2000 .Elections are held routinely and regularly but this proves that elections are not in themselves a reflection of democracy when the fundamentals of a participatory democracy characterized by imperatives such as media plurality, respect for fundamental rights and freedom of association and assembly  are not promoted .

Zimbabwe – Role of Civil  Society in the Face  of A Weak Opposition

After gaining independence in 1980 the ruling party ZANU P.F under Robert Mugabe  brutally eliminated the then major opposition party P.F ZAPU which was  led by the founding father of the country’s liberation struggle Dr Joshua Nkomo .In the ensuing power  struggle Prime Minister Robert Mugabe dispatched the notorious North Korean trained Fifth Brigade which was explicitly loyal to ZANU P.F and not the government . Between 1983 -1987 over twenty thousand people were slaughtered in Matabeleland,  the stronghold of Joshua Nkomo whilst hundreds of thousands were maimed ,displaced ,raped and forced into exile in neighbouring countries .Civil society at this time was very weak and the labour and student  movement were an extension of the government and the party .The only organization that played a critical role was the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace which documented the massacres in a report entitled “Breaking The Silence ,Building True Peace “ .The Catholic Bishops tried to engage Prime Minister Robert  Mugabe on the issue but  were dismissed as a “band of Jeremiahs “and Nkomo labelled a “snake “that needed to be destroyed .After five years of battering of the official opposition ,P.F ZAPU succumbed to ZANU P.F to save Matabeleland from total destruction and the two parties combined under a Unity Accord to form one Party “ Zanu P.F” under the leadership of Mugabe .The violent conduct Mugabe was insulated by the politics of the Cold War since Nkomo was an ally of Russia and Mugabe was a darling of the west at that time .

Post 1990

In the post unity accord era the government sought to cement the one party system but at this time civil society began to emerge as a critical voice mainly through the students movement at the University of Zimbabwe led by Arthur Mutambara and Enoch Chigweje [now Munyaradzi Gwisai ].Academics from the universities also became increasingly critical of the government leading to the formation of the academics -led Forum party of Zimbabwe with retired Chief Justice Dumbuchena  as its leader .The party was however too elitist and  was easily defeated by ZANU .P.F .Later the Zimbabwe Unity Movement was formed by maverick politician Edgar Tekere ,a former ZANU P.F stalwart but once again it was easily defeated by ZANU P.F .

The Genesis of  Strong Civil Society

By 1998 the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions led by its president Gibson Sibanda and Secretary General Morgan Tsvangirai had become a huge voice for the workers struggling under the effects of the World Bank imposed the Structural Adjustment Programme ,corruption and poor economic policies .In 1998 the labour movement organized a strike that paralyzed the entire nation .Later on in the capital Harare food protests broke out and regime change seemed imminent .Civil society was virtually leading the democratic process in the absence of a viable opposition.

The National Constitutional Assembly then emerged under the auspices of the Zimbabwe Council of Churches which housed the secretariat. The demands of the National Constitutional Assembly were simple .A new people driven constitution to curb excessive presidential powers and legitimized dictatorship .The new civic body was the brainchild of activists such as Deprose Muchena ,Brian Kagoro and Twanda Mutasa but strategically they identified popular civic society leaders such as Morgan Tsvangirai,Welshman Ncube ,David  Coltart ,Lovemore Maduku,Janah Ncube and Tendai Biti  to be at the forefront of the constitutional body .Most of these leaders went on to form the country’s biggest opposition party ,the Movement For Democratic Change led by Tsvangirai with Ncube as Secretary general and  wide variety of student activists ,labour leaders  and academics s in the leadership of the new party .

In response to the emerging civil society and opposition tidal wave the government set up its own constitutional commission to gather people’s views on the new constitution .The constitution was subjected to a referendum and was rejected by the people .For the first time Robert Mugabe were defeated in a plebiscite .Mugabe reacted swiftly to this by unleashing war veterans on farms of white commercial farmers claiming that the revolution was about to be subverted by the M.D.C ,civil society ,the west and the whites .Over 200 people were killed during this time ,especially white commercial farmers and supporters of the opposition M.D.C .This was Mugabe’s preparation for the elections which followed were his party narrowly won the elections .At this time civil society and the opposition were at their  peak  .

However by 2006 the opposition MD.C had split into two formations with one led by Tsvangirai and the other by Arthur Mutambara .The M.D.C has subsequently fragmented into four  parties namely the M.D.C –T ,the M.D.C led by Ncube ,M.D.C 99 and M.D.C  -M .Interestingly though the divided opposition defeated Mugabe in the 2008 elections but failed to garner a majority in the first round .This was after election results were withheld for over three months by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. During this time opposition activists were locked up ,beaten and tortured resulting in the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai refusing to participate in the presidential run off with President Mugabe who subsequently “won: the one man race . In a  rare show of speed “the results “were announced within 24 hours and Mugabe was quickly sworn in as president .The government was however not recognized by SADC ,the regional body .Civil society played a critical role in documenting election and human rights violations ,civic participation ,information dissemination and regional and international advocacy resulting in the formation of an inclusive government comprising of the M.D.C T ,ZANU P.F  and the M.D.C  -M .A Global political Agreement as  the basis of the new power sharing agreement underwritten by SADC enshrining a transitional period epitomized by a new constitution making process ,national healing ,media plurality institutional reform and removal of sanctions /restrictive measures .

Operating Environment

The inclusive government has failed to implement at least 26 issues in the  global political agreement including media  and institutional reform .The constitution making process is almost complete whilst national healing and reconciliation was largely a window dressing and public relations exercise .The former opposition parties are still weak due politicization of state structures ,ZANU .P.F control of the military and restrictive legislation .Repressive legislation which remains in place includes the Public Order and Security Act ,the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Official  Secrets Act .Through its legislative and constitutional architecture the Mugabe regime created “legal “dictatorship backed by statutes and laws .

Why Is The Opposition Weak?

The opposition in Zimbabwe is weak because of the following reasons:

1.Fragmentation-there are over ten opposition parties with four M.D.C formations ,four Z.A.P.U. parties ,Mavambo/Kusile Dawn Party  and ZANU –Ndonga .At least another eight or so parties always emerge at election time

2.Lack of clear ideology

3.Lack of vision-premised on an emotional response to the Mugabe regime and economic environment and no properly thought out policies and vision beyond the “ Mugabe must go “mantra

4.Poor Leadership

5.Brutal state military ,intelligence and police superstructure

6.Limited space to campaign

7.Lack of media plurality

Civil society has somehow emerged stronger with creative coping mechanisms and this could be attributed to :

1.Dynamic change conscious leadership

2.Fluid networks and coalitions

3.Robust regional and international advocacy

5.Vibrant grassroots mobilization and advocacy

6.Responsiveness to changing political environment

Challenges’

1.Exodus of civil society leader to Diaspora

2.Recruitement of civic leader by inclusive government  resulting in some N.G.O ‘s having an identity crisis.

3.Polarization

4.Iregular funding

5.Restricted operational Space

6.Politicians from both ruling party and opposition threatened by growth of civil society organizations

7.Creation of counterfeit state aligned civic organizations

Positioning of Civil Society In Current Context and Beyond

Civil society has to clearly identify its role and mandate in this limited space and ensure that this space is protected and advanced .The following roles of Civil Society  need to be clearly articulated and promoted

1.Promotion of citizen participation in decision making processes

2.Local ,national ,regional and international advocacy on behalf of marginalized groups.

3.Public accountability

4.Policy research and monitoring

5.Conflict management and transformation

6.Election awareness and monitoring

7.Catalyzing community development

8.Complementing government initiatives were necessary

Broadly speaking the mandate of civil society id the pursuit of social ,economic ,political and ecological justice  and this is a profoundly political mandate which should be carried out in a non partisan manner .

Dilemmas

The biggest dilemma facing civil society is that of being confused with the opposition parties especially when there is confluence on certain issues e.g. constitution making .I submit that since country contexts and conditions differ civil society organizations have to make strategic decisions informed by their peculiar country contexts  as long as this does not compromise on organizational integrity and autonomy without detaining popular struggles for  democracy through spectartorship .Inevitably civil society will be accused of being partisan but civil society should not allow itself to be defined by “government propaganda but by their  principles ,visions ,values and missions

What Can Be Done

1.Civic groups need to develop clear ideologies ,belief systems and visionary frameworks

2.Developing civics into non partisan and yet un apologetically political entities .

3.Building solidarity ,linkages and coalitions at regional and global level

4.Explore new funding sustainable ,innovative funding paradigms and sources

5.Leadership d development and succession planning in civil society

6.Utilizing former civil society operatives and leaders who are now n government for information and space but maintaining non partisanship

Conclusion

I believe the Zimbabwean experience proffers opportunities for civil society to play a pa active role in the democratization  and transformation of nations even in the context of weak opposition  parties .

Asante!

 

Role of Civil Society In The  Face of Weak Opposition

A Case Study of Zimbabwe

A Paper Presented By Dumisani O. Nkomo

Habakkuk Trust C.E.O

At

The Civil Society and Political Trends  Seminar

M.S.T.C.D.C  , Arusha ,Tanzania

14 May 2012

Dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com

Blog-www.dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com

dumienkomo@twitter.com

Executive Summary

This paper seeks to provide an overview of the role of civil society in the context of weak opposition parties with Zimbabwe as a case study .This discussion paper is located in the context of the rapid evolution and metamorphosis of civil society in Africa ,the changing political landscape and a complex  global socio economic and technological architecture .The discussion paper will provide an outline of the  theoretic framework of the functions and objects of civil society ,the functions and objects of political parties and the conditions within which civil society is located in continentally and more specifically in Zimbabwe .

Pertinently the Zimbabwean experience is a useful case study because of the incremental but phenomenal development of civil society in Zimbabwe in a very restrictive operational environment epitomized by repressive legislation ,polarization and a background of intense conflict and violence .Importantly the role of civil society must be viewed in a historical and futuristic context  with strategic  perspectives  with the  benefit of hindsight and strategic glimpses into the future using the lens of critical analysis and reflection.

Post Independent Africa

Post independent Africa has experienced the phenomena of  one party rule  characterized by the emergence of “strong men “ most of whom where the darlings of the post colonial struggle for independence .The one party ,one leader concept was warmly embraced in Tanzania ,Uganda ,Zimbabwe ,Angola ,Mozambique ,Malawi ,Zambia ,Kenya amongst other countries .Critically military strongmen emerged in countries such as Ghana ,Nigeria  ,Equatorial Guinea and Uganda .These post independent regimes created a culture of monolithic ,monopolistic  and dictatorial political systems epicentred around powerful political parties and enigmatic leaders .Political plurality was at best frowned upon and at worst ruthlessly crushed .The growth of opposition parties and civil society was thus stunted  in most of independent Africa .This was accentuated by the perpetuation of the colonial legacy of repressive legislation that criminalized freedom of expression ,association and assembly .Opponents of the new regimes were ruthlessly crushed and public space for informed dissent and engagement severely limited .It is in this historical context that opposition political parties emerged and evolved in post independent Africa .

Context and Typography of  States

Civil Society organizations and opposition parties most often occupy similar spaces in the public domain although they exist for different reasons .Political parties exist to acquire ,secure and retain power .Civil society exists  to influence power so that voices of marginalized communities are amplified and the interests of various societal sectors such as women ,youths ,informal traders  are clearly articulated .

Failed States

Countries such as Somalia are largely failed stated epitomized by a  collapsed governance system ,inability of the nation state to protect itself from internal and external threats and congenital incapacity to deliver basic services .

Post Conflict States

Critically countries such as Kenya are typical examples of  nation states that have experienced intense conflict and violence in the context of election contestation and are currently transitioning to full democracy through transitional justice ,constitutional review and fresh electoral processes .Arguably Lesotho and Zimbabwe fall under a similar bracket of transitioning nation states whose political destiny may either be abortive or affirmative .The context and conditions of civil society and conditions has thus been intoxicated with post conflict contestations for political power .In Zimbabwe ,Madagascar and Kenya inclusive governments exist due to the failure of opposition parties to win the presidential and legislative elections .The governments in these countries are a result of disputed elections preceded by organized political violence and massive voting irregularities and manipulation of the electoral processes by incumbents .

Emerging Democracies

A number of countries have evolved into fairly robust democracies epitomized by democratic constitutions and institutions ,regular free and fair elections ,change of government and peaceful transfer of power .This has  been the case in Malawi ,Zambia ,Ghana  and Senegal where elections have resulted in regime change ,a term that has been criminalized in Zimbabwe but which is common and in fact best practise in the practise of democracy .Civil society and opposition parties are very strong in these countries and this could be attributed to the abundant space which is available due to factors such as a positive ,democratic culture and environments  as well as enabling legislation. It is critical to be cognisant of why opposition parties are strong in some countries and why they are weak in other countries in the same way that it is critical to understand and appreciate why civil society is strong in some countries and weak in others .Still in other counties civil society is strong but opposition parties are weak .

Democracy In One Party Context

Several counties have opened space to political pluralism ,citizen engagement ,adherence to human rights and democratic institutions but these countries  have  been ruled by the same parties in perpetuity since independence .Opposition parties could be said to be weak in these counties whilst civil society is fairly strong  whilst  incumbent ruling parties have adapted to democratic conditions and contexts to maintain power .This is the case in South Africa ,Botswana  ,Mozambique and Tanzania .These countries have been ruled by one party since independence and this could be attributable to factors such as internal democracy within these political institutions  and leadership renewal .South Africa has had three presidents  since independence in the nineties  namely  Nelson Mandela ,Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma .Botswana has had Sereste Khama ,Quett Masire ,Festus Mogae  and Ian Khama .

Political and Military Dictatorships

In these countries dictators have held on to power for more than two decades .Included in this bracket is Zimbabwe under Robert  Mugabe ,Uganda under Yoweri Museveni  and Angola under Dos Santos .In these counties the space for opposition parties has been severely limited and this has been compounded by internal structural weaknesses intrinsic to the design and architecture of opposition parties as well as prohibitive external factors created by  the dictatorial regimes .Civil society has however thrived in these difficult conditions and has actually offered alternatives leadership in most of these countries .In Zimbabwe sic election  and one constitutional referendum have been held since the year 2000 .Elections are held routinely and regularly but this proves that elections are not in themselves a reflection of democracy when the fundamentals of a participatory democracy characterized by imperatives such as media plurality, respect for fundamental rights and freedom of association and assembly  are not promoted .

Zimbabwe – Role of Civil  Society in the Face  of A Weak Opposition

After gaining independence in 1980 the ruling party ZANU P.F under Robert Mugabe  brutally eliminated the then major opposition party P.F ZAPU which was  led by the founding father of the country’s liberation struggle Dr Joshua Nkomo .In the ensuing power  struggle Prime Minister Robert Mugabe dispatched the notorious North Korean trained Fifth Brigade which was explicitly loyal to ZANU P.F and not the government . Between 1983 -1987 over twenty thousand people were slaughtered in Matabeleland,  the stronghold of Joshua Nkomo whilst hundreds of thousands were maimed ,displaced ,raped and forced into exile in neighbouring countries .Civil society at this time was very weak and the labour and student  movement were an extension of the government and the party .The only organization that played a critical role was the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace which documented the massacres in a report entitled “Breaking The Silence ,Building True Peace “ .The Catholic Bishops tried to engage Prime Minister Robert  Mugabe on the issue but  were dismissed as a “band of Jeremiahs “and Nkomo labelled a “snake “that needed to be destroyed .After five years of battering of the official opposition ,P.F ZAPU succumbed to ZANU P.F to save Matabeleland from total destruction and the two parties combined under a Unity Accord to form one Party “ Zanu P.F” under the leadership of Mugabe .The violent conduct Mugabe was insulated by the politics of the Cold War since Nkomo was an ally of Russia and Mugabe was a darling of the west at that time .

Post 1990

In the post unity accord era the government sought to cement the one party system but at this time civil society began to emerge as a critical voice mainly through the students movement at the University of Zimbabwe led by Arthur Mutambara and Enoch Chigweje [now Munyaradzi Gwisai ].Academics from the universities also became increasingly critical of the government leading to the formation of the academics -led Forum party of Zimbabwe with retired Chief Justice Dumbuchena  as its leader .The party was however too elitist and  was easily defeated by ZANU .P.F .Later the Zimbabwe Unity Movement was formed by maverick politician Edgar Tekere ,a former ZANU P.F stalwart but once again it was easily defeated by ZANU P.F .

The Genesis of  Strong Civil Society

By 1998 the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions led by its president Gibson Sibanda and Secretary General Morgan Tsvangirai had become a huge voice for the workers struggling under the effects of the World Bank imposed the Structural Adjustment Programme ,corruption and poor economic policies .In 1998 the labour movement organized a strike that paralyzed the entire nation .Later on in the capital Harare food protests broke out and regime change seemed imminent .Civil society was virtually leading the democratic process in the absence of a viable opposition.

The National Constitutional Assembly then emerged under the auspices of the Zimbabwe Council of Churches which housed the secretariat. The demands of the National Constitutional Assembly were simple .A new people driven constitution to curb excessive presidential powers and legitimized dictatorship .The new civic body was the brainchild of activists such as Deprose Muchena ,Brian Kagoro and Twanda Mutasa but strategically they identified popular civic society leaders such as Morgan Tsvangirai,Welshman Ncube ,David  Coltart ,Lovemore Maduku,Janah Ncube and Tendai Biti  to be at the forefront of the constitutional body .Most of these leaders went on to form the country’s biggest opposition party ,the Movement For Democratic Change led by Tsvangirai with Ncube as Secretary general and  wide variety of student activists ,labour leaders  and academics s in the leadership of the new party .

In response to the emerging civil society and opposition tidal wave the government set up its own constitutional commission to gather people’s views on the new constitution .The constitution was subjected to a referendum and was rejected by the people .For the first time Robert Mugabe were defeated in a plebiscite .Mugabe reacted swiftly to this by unleashing war veterans on farms of white commercial farmers claiming that the revolution was about to be subverted by the M.D.C ,civil society ,the west and the whites .Over 200 people were killed during this time ,especially white commercial farmers and supporters of the opposition M.D.C .This was Mugabe’s preparation for the elections which followed were his party narrowly won the elections .At this time civil society and the opposition were at their  peak  .

However by 2006 the opposition MD.C had split into two formations with one led by Tsvangirai and the other by Arthur Mutambara .The M.D.C has subsequently fragmented into four  parties namely the M.D.C –T ,the M.D.C led by Ncube ,M.D.C 99 and M.D.C  -M .Interestingly though the divided opposition defeated Mugabe in the 2008 elections but failed to garner a majority in the first round .This was after election results were withheld for over three months by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. During this time opposition activists were locked up ,beaten and tortured resulting in the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai refusing to participate in the presidential run off with President Mugabe who subsequently “won: the one man race . In a  rare show of speed “the results “were announced within 24 hours and Mugabe was quickly sworn in as president .The government was however not recognized by SADC ,the regional body .Civil society played a critical role in documenting election and human rights violations ,civic participation ,information dissemination and regional and international advocacy resulting in the formation of an inclusive government comprising of the M.D.C T ,ZANU P.F  and the M.D.C  -M .A Global political Agreement as  the basis of the new power sharing agreement underwritten by SADC enshrining a transitional period epitomized by a new constitution making process ,national healing ,media plurality institutional reform and removal of sanctions /restrictive measures .

Operating Environment

The inclusive government has failed to implement at least 26 issues in the  global political agreement including media  and institutional reform .The constitution making process is almost complete whilst national healing and reconciliation was largely a window dressing and public relations exercise .The former opposition parties are still weak due politicization of state structures ,ZANU .P.F control of the military and restrictive legislation .Repressive legislation which remains in place includes the Public Order and Security Act ,the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Official  Secrets Act .Through its legislative and constitutional architecture the Mugabe regime created “legal “dictatorship backed by statutes and laws .

Why Is The Opposition Weak?

The opposition in Zimbabwe is weak because of the following reasons:

1.Fragmentation-there are over ten opposition parties with four M.D.C formations ,four Z.A.P.U. parties ,Mavambo/Kusile Dawn Party  and ZANU –Ndonga .At least another eight or so parties always emerge at election time

2.Lack of clear ideology

3.Lack of vision-premised on an emotional response to the Mugabe regime and economic environment and no properly thought out policies and vision beyond the “ Mugabe must go “mantra

4.Poor Leadership

5.Brutal state military ,intelligence and police superstructure

6.Limited space to campaign

7.Lack of media plurality

Civil society has somehow emerged stronger with creative coping mechanisms and this could be attributed to :

1.Dynamic change conscious leadership

2.Fluid networks and coalitions

3.Robust regional and international advocacy

5.Vibrant grassroots mobilization and advocacy

6.Responsiveness to changing political environment

Challenges’

1.Exodus of civil society leader to Diaspora

2.Recruitement of civic leader by inclusive government  resulting in some N.G.O ‘s having an identity crisis.

3.Polarization

4.Iregular funding

5.Restricted operational Space

6.Politicians from both ruling party and opposition threatened by growth of civil society organizations

7.Creation of counterfeit state aligned civic organizations

Positioning of Civil Society In Current Context and Beyond

Civil society has to clearly identify its role and mandate in this limited space and ensure that this space is protected and advanced .The following roles of Civil Society  need to be clearly articulated and promoted

1.Promotion of citizen participation in decision making processes

2.Local ,national ,regional and international advocacy on behalf of marginalized groups.

3.Public accountability

4.Policy research and monitoring

5.Conflict management and transformation

6.Election awareness and monitoring

7.Catalyzing community development

8.Complementing government initiatives were necessary

Broadly speaking the mandate of civil society id the pursuit of social ,economic ,political and ecological justice  and this is a profoundly political mandate which should be carried out in a non partisan manner .

Dilemmas

The biggest dilemma facing civil society is that of being confused with the opposition parties especially when there is confluence on certain issues e.g. constitution making .I submit that since country contexts and conditions differ civil society organizations have to make strategic decisions informed by their peculiar country contexts  as long as this does not compromise on organizational integrity and autonomy without detaining popular struggles for  democracy through spectartorship .Inevitably civil society will be accused of being partisan but civil society should not allow itself to be defined by “government propaganda but by their  principles ,visions ,values and missions

What Can Be Done

1.Civic groups need to develop clear ideologies ,belief systems and visionary frameworks

2.Developing civics into non partisan and yet un apologetically political entities .

3.Building solidarity ,linkages and coalitions at regional and global level

4.Explore new funding sustainable ,innovative funding paradigms and sources

5.Leadership d development and succession planning in civil society

6.Utilizing former civil society operatives and leaders who are now n government for information and space but maintaining non partisanship

Conclusion

I believe the Zimbabwean experience proffers opportunities for civil society to play a pa active role in the democratization  and transformation of nations even in the context of weak opposition  parties .

Asante!